A recent survey study of 3,500 Americans sought to figure out which groups held anti-Semitic attitudes.
They measured anti-Semitic attitudes as agreement with three statements:
1. Jews are more loyal to Israel than America ("Loyal") 2. It is appropriate for opponents of Israel's policies and actions to boycott Jewish American owned businesses in their communities ("Boycott") 3. Jews in the United States have too much power ("Power")
In terms of politics and group differences, there were two big findings:
1. Anti-Semitic attitudes were more common on the Right. 2. Anti-Semitic attitudes were less common among Whites.
For some reason, Black and Hispanic Americans of each political persuasion tended towards greater levels of agreement with anti-Semitic statements.
The extent of this racial difference in anti-Semitic attitudes is more visible if Blacks and Hispanics are contrasted with White Progressives and White Alt-Rightists. Blacks and Hispanics had a more similar pattern of agreement with the Alt-Right than with Progressives.
This responding seems off, because apparently anti-Semitic attitudes were only endorsed by about 40% of the Alt-Right. I think this suggests there's something wrong with Alt-Right self-identification or the anti-Semitism measures.
Regardless, how can this pattern be explained?
The authors tested three plausible but incorrect explanations, shown below:
Another theory is that Black and Hispanic Americans hold anti-Semitic attitudes because they feel solidarity with Palestinians. To test this, the authors asked participants in which domains they believed Jews had too much power.
The most major domain was not Israel/Palestine, but News Media. Very few actually described only Israel/Palestine as the only domain in which Jews had too much power.
The association between being Black or Hispanic and holding anti-Semitic attitudes was not attributable to views about power in Israel/Palestine. It also wasn't attributable to disfavorable views towards Israel, Israeli politics, or Israeli culture.
Disfavoring Israel didn't predict agreement with anti-Semitic statements at all (B = 0.0025, SE = 0.038) and disfavoring Israeli culture predicted more anti-Semitic attitudes (0.16, 0.039), but the race effect remained after controlling for it. Oddly, disfavoring Israeli politics predicted less agreement with anti-Semitic statements, but this effect was so small that it's almost-certainly actually just a null at -0.087 (0.044)!
In fact, this should be put in a different context noted by the authors:
"We find higher rates of support for Israel and Israel's politics and government among Black and Hispanic respondents than among White respondents, a finding clearly inconsistent with the idea that Palestinian solidarity drives minority antisemitism."
The age differences in these measures were also peculiar. As the authors noted:
"Despite younger generations generally exhibiting more cosmopolitan and less prejudicial attitudes, we find that young Black and Hispanic adults express equal or higher levels of antisemitic attitudes than older Black and Hispanic adults; only young White adults express lower levels of antisemitism than their older counterparts. Young Black and Latino respondents answer this battery of antisemitism questions similarly to how young White alt-right respondents do."
One of the explanations the authors supposed could play a role is that Blacks and Hispanics might see themselves as victims and buy into anti-Semitic beliefs like people who see themselves as victims in other contexts. For example, they cited an earlier study from Greece, where people who reported seeing themselves as victims reported more anti-Semitic attitudes, they presumed because they felt competition towards Jews, whose actual victimhood was recognized after the Holocaust.
If you want to read the paper, contest the measures, learn more, or whatever else, here's a link to the paper: cambridge.org/core/journals/…
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- His license is suspended
- He was once a soldier for a Mafia family
- He's telling me about his time in Rikers
- He's showing me YouTube videos
- He's telling me his theories about Jews
He's telling me about gang wars he was in ad a kid.
He's wondering why all the Chinese girls are lined up - for an audition?
He says to go to Mother's Ruin for latin prostitutes.
All of this entirely unprompted.
"Yeah, these African guys, yeesh"
"I couldn't fuck that whore because I got the erectile dysfunction."
As a recap on my appearance, Eli Lilly is pursuing:
- A one-dose drug for preventing most heart disease
- A vaccine for chlamydia
- A vaccine for gonorrhea
- A vaccine for Epstein-Barr
- A drug that lets you stay awake longer and feel more rested
And remember, Eli Lilly's big break historically was the University of Toronto licensing them to produce insulin.
They started off by giving it out for free, saving the world's diabetics at a time when there was no treatment available.
They've always been a force for good.
I think
- The heart disease drug will succeed
-- Will it commercialize? It can, easily. But I'm 50/50 due to the competition
- Chlamydia and gonorrhea vax will succeed, but I don't see much commercial potential with Lilly
- EBV vaccine will fail with Lilly, succeed eventually
Are White women the primary beneficiaries of affirmative action?
That's a real claim that's commonly advanced by journalists, and the claim has gone so far that it's even made its way into academic publications and policy.
But the claim is completely false🧵
This claim doesn't make a lot of sense. After all, shouldn't the primary beneficiaries of affirmative action be the people who the policies primarily target?
In America, that's African Americans and, among them, women get an added benefit. How could it be Whites?
To figure out where the claim comes from, I started reading supposed sources.
Often enough, journalists will just take the claim for granted without providing *any* source.
It's just tacit knowledge now, and that's not good!
World War I devastated Britain and likely slowed down its technological progress🧵
The reason being, the youth are the engine of innovation.
Areas that saw more deaths saw larger declines in patenting in the years following the war.
To figure out the innovation effects of losing a large portion of a generation's young men who were just coming into the primes of their lives, the authors needed four pieces of data.
The first were the numbers and pre-war locations of soldiers who died.
The next components were the numbers and locations of patent filings.
If you look at both graphs, you see obvious total population effects. So, areas must be normalized.