Alonso Gurmendi Profile picture
Oct 18 13 tweets 4 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
O senhor se equivoca. Existe um motivo claro porque o Brasil se recusou a incorporar o direito de auto-defesa na resolução. Mas, I will explain in English, because it's late. In fact, Brazil's decision should be praised, not condemned. 🧵
Under the UN Charter, a state can only use force against another in cases of self-defence or authorisation by the UN Security Council (UNSC). This is traditionally understood as the right that states have vis a vis only other states, not Non-State Actors (NSAs).
Since 9/11, the US has been trying to expand the concept of self-defence to also cover NSAs. In other words, that the US can attack NSAs in the territory of other states in "self-defence" without violating the UN Charter or the attacked state's sovereignty.
Thus, UNSC Resolution 1373, approved immediately after 9/11, stated that the attacks activated the US' right to "self-defence". Implicitly, of course, this meant self-defence *against al Qaeda*, not Afghanistan Image
This was technically not how #intlaw worked but it was 9/11 and so it was not the time to, let's say, get technical with the US. After all, it's only a UNSC Resolution, right?
Well, since then, things have gotten considerably worse. The US' entire drone programme is premised on the idea that it can target terrorists suspects in Pakistan, pirates in Somalia, armed groups in Yemen... heck, even cartels in Mexico Image
The US does this under a new proposed reading of the UN Charter, which they call the "unwilling or unable standard", which says that if a state is deemed unwilling or unable (by the US) to control a NSA deemed a threat (by the US) then the US can drone said NSA

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Logically, this is a very rotten deal for all those countries in the world where a NSA operates and who can potentially be bombed by the US. So, throughout the 2010s, Global South states have tried to find ways to contain this new reading, with Brazil being a key part of it
In 2018, for example, during a meeting of the American Society of Int Law, a Brazilian diplomat, Patrick Luna, made Brazil's position crystal clear (see image). Luna's speech was very widely read within intlaw circles and has remained very infuential. Image
In 2021, Mexico called for a meeting (called an Arria) on the topic of use of force against NSA, specifically hoping to challenge the unwilling or unable standard. Brazil, this time under the Bolsonaro govt btw, repeated its position: Image
Now consider Gaza. As far as Brazil is concerned, Palestine is a state, no matter what the US might believe. In that state there is a NSA (Hamas). And once again there's a "9/11 moment" where Israel wants to squeeze the right of self-defence against NSA into a UNSC Resolution.
It would certainly be easier to placate the Moros of this world and let it slide, given the times. That Brazil is sticking to principle in the face of enormous int'l pressure is rather remarkable. Brazil is not letting intlaw be eroded further. And that is worth being proud of
Então, irmãos, fiquem orgulhosos da sua terra, que a gente agradece!

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More from @Alonso_GD

Sep 6
Para 1/3 de la población, la Época del Terrorismo la vivieron entre bombas, apagones y asesinatos. No vimos nunca a una columna senderista imponer un comité popular en nuestro barrio, ni a las rondas rebelarse contra él ni a las FFAA realizar una operación militar para liberarlo
Nuestra sociedad está tan dividida entre Costa y Sierra que es imposible para ese tercio concebir la Época del Terrorismo como un conflicto pq “poner bombas no es conflicto”. Por eso la comparación con las Brigadas Rojas italianas o la RAF alemana - los grupos que ponían bombas
Pero la dimensión de lo que sufrimos como país por culpa del senderismo no tiene comparación con las guerrillas urbanas europeas. Vista desde Ayacucho, la Época del Terrorismo es bien claramente un conflicto armado, con operaciones y estrategias militares
Read 5 tweets
Sep 4
Pf, no hablen de lo que no saben. Me obligan a tuitear toda una explicación de conceptos básicos sobre Derecho Internacional Humanitario, como coquito, porque no están dispuestos a leer un solo libro: sólo importa lo que está en hilos. Así que aquí va el hilo 🧵
Primero que nada, en el VRAEM, para mí, no existe un conflicto armado. Quien dice expresamente que en el VRAEM hay un conflicto armado es el MINDEF y las FFAA. Así lo establece el Decreto Supremo 076-2016-PCM y, específicamente, su Exposición de Motivos spij.minjus.gob.pe/Graficos/Peru/…
Image
En mi opinión, Asesoría Jurídica del MINDEF se equivoca (y así lo digo en mi libro, que los expertos de twitter no quieren leer así que se los pego aquí). En mi opinión no hay un conflicto armado en el VRAEM, o por lo menos su existencia no se ha sustentado debidamente. Image
Read 9 tweets
May 24
Te explico. A ver... en el siglo XVIII, el imperio colonial español funcionaba en base a un sistema llamado "de galeones y flotas". En ese sistema, galeones mercantes zarpaban de España y recorrían todas las colonias en rutas pre-programadas. 🧵
Para comerciar con España, los productos de las colonias tenían que llegar a la ruta de los galeones, no al revés. Entonces, si querías vender algo desde el Río de la Plata, no podías comerciar desde Buenos Aires, sino que tenías que llevar tu producto a Lima, vía La Paz y Cusco
En los 1770s, los Borbones, que habían asumido el control del imperio, eliminaron el sistema y abrieron el comercio a diferentes puertos, en específico, Buenos Aires y Cartagena, creando a su vez los virreinatos de Río de la Plata y Nueva Granada.
Read 13 tweets
May 24
A ver, ya que por algún motivo me están retuiteando un tweet de 2021, hablemos de historiografía sobre la independencia 🧵
Lo primero es que estamos de acuerdo en que Lohmann es un excelente historiador del virreinato. El tema es que en la propia serie "Historia General del Perú", de 1993, el autor encargado de escribir el tomo VI, "Independencia", no fue Lohmann, sino de la Puente Candamo. Image
Esto tiene una explicación. En 1969, la dictadura de Velasco conformó, por decreto ley 17815, la creación de la Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, con el objetivo de recopilar y editorializar todas las fuentes archivísticas sobre la independencia
Read 21 tweets
Feb 9
Me parece bien que se ponga en evidencia a estas personas, pero creo que no nos hacemos ningún favor presentando el problema de los discursos que incitan al odio y la violencia como si fuesen un problema de gente random de tiktok. Es un problema enquistado en el "establishment"🧵
El caso más clásico es, qué duda cabe, Aldo Mariátegui, que desde su columna ha pedido "una respuesta viril" a los manifestantes "manipuladas por Movadef" que deben saber que "te juegas la vida si te metes a atacar un aeropuerto". peru21.pe/opinion/protes…
Pero en Juliaca, Bryan A.H. y Elmer Leonardo de 16 años no murieron intentando tomar un aeropuerto. Visitaban Juliaca y paseaban por la zona, cuando los disparos indiscriminados de la PNP acabaron con su vida. Esto, obvio, Mariátegui no lo dice.
convoca.pe/agenda-propia/…
Read 8 tweets
Dec 14, 2022
If you want to understand the current crisis in Peru, you need to look beyond the "breaking news" of Castillo's botched coup and the chaos of the past 5 years. You need to lift the veil of the "Peruvian economic miracle" and take a long hard look at its broken social fabric 🧵
Peruvians (esp those of European descent) like to talk about Peru as a post-racial democracy. A popular saying says that "quien no tiene de inga, tiene de mandinga" (if you dont have a bit of "inga", an Andean sounding word, you have a bit of "mandinga", an African sounding word)
This leads many in the elites to consider that, in Peru, we are all "mestizo", mixed-race. There is therefore no racism. Everyone lives in harmony and the liberal reforms of the 1990s have reduced poverty (they have) and made everyone happy
Read 39 tweets

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