Okay! 1 week until EDay in VA, here are my thoughts on the early vote so far. Let's start with some quick caveats: more than 2/3 votes will likely be cast on Eday, and many more early votes are yet to be cast. The TLDR version is that EV is still consistent with a close election.
What you won't find in this analysis - statewide numbers. Our focus is on the battleground House and Senate seats. Statewide comparisons to previous elections are relatively meaningless. Control will be determined across a handful of districts.
What's more, the most important analysis is the comparison to the same point in time in previous cycles. That said, given the significant changes in ballot access in 2020, the only relevant comparisons are '21 and '22, and both are imperfect.
Final caveats: the analysis relies on comparisons of modeled partisanship across '21-'23 at the same point in time in each election (7 days out). VA does not have party reg, so the models are a proxy, but are imperfect. They do not capture candidate support.
At this point, across the battleground Senate and House districts, modeled Dems outnumber modeled GOPs (+13 in the House, +15.9 in the Senate). That said, in '21 at this time those leads were 21.3 and 26.1 in those same districts. The GOP has narrowed the turnout gap in these LDs
Is that cause for panic for Dems in VA? No - the GOP, after functionally abandoning early voting (especially mail) in '20, and carrying into subsequent elections, they have invested heavily in getting their voters out early this time around. So some narrowing was expected.
That said, it is not accurate to say that the GOP is simply "cannibalizing their Eday vote" (not a Halloween reference) by just turning out people who would have voted on Eday anyhow. It is true that a significant majority of early voters (D and R) are regular voters though.
Only about 6 to 8% of early voters in targeted districts are either first time or infrequent voters. So the overwhelming majority of these early votes are cast by fairly high propensity voters.
If we limit our analysis to those early voters who didn't vote at all in '21 (about 9% of all EVs so far), Dems have a modeled advantage of 12% in target HDs and 15% in SDs. That's decent, but in '22 the modeled Dem turnout share advantage among these surge voters was about 20%.
So you get the general idea here, more GOPs are voting early in VA than have in the past two cycles. Most are likely voters, but GOPs have narrowed the turnout gap among the infrequent early voters, so there are signs that both bases are relatively energized.
From a demo perspective, women are accounting for a slightly smaller share of EVs than they were at this point in '21 (0.4 pts). This is a function of more GOPs voting early and isn't especially significant. That said, white women are also accounting for a larger share of the EV.
Voters under age 30 also comprise a slightly smaller share of the EV (0.2 pts), so this isn't substantial, but it is worth keeping in mind that the electorate in VA in '21 was skewed fairly old to begin with.
There are a lot of additional ways you can parse the EV in VA, and I likely will share more in the coming days (we will be updating the data every day). But I'll wrap this thread up with some bigger picture observations.
- GOP investments in early voting are showing
- Dems are still voting early in big numbers
- The EV skews whiter, older, and more male than previous years (see first bullet)
- More than 2/3 votes are yet to be cast in VA
Anticipating questions about the impact of abortion on races in VA: this is my opinion, but I don't believe we've yet seen the full impact of the issue in VA. Recall in 2022, Dem turnout and performance was highest in states where the issue was on the ballot, or in the forefront.
In public polls released earlier this month, independent voters in VA displayed a certain discord: giving Youngkin high approval ratings, but overwhelmingly opposing stricter abortion laws in the state. As the electorate focuses in on his agenda, the GOP will have issues.
I'll add more in the coming days, but as I said in starting this thread, everything I am seeing is consistent with close races in VA, and the work done over the final 7 days will likely determine control of both chambers.
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One important thing to remember as we continue to digest the election results, especially around swings with Hispanics: some of what we saw was due to turnout differentials, not just vote switching. We still don't have vote history for most states, but here is one minor example.
In Delaware, Hispanic voters were 4% of the turnout this year. In 2020, by party registration, the Hispanics who voted were +46.9 Dem, but in 2024 they were +36.7 Dem. The total turnout from Dem Hispanics was roughly equal to 2020, but 35% more GOP Hispanics voted this year.
Not surprisingly, this surge in GOP Hispanic turnout was most pronounced among younger voters. Under age 30 Hispanics moved by 17 pts to the GOP, while over age 75 moved only 3 pts.
I've been looking at the universe of voters in GA who cast a ballot in 2020, but didn't vote in 2024 and are still registered in the state. There are just over 1 million such voters. Not surprisingly, they are modeled as more likely Dems.
One of the biggest drop-off groups in Georgia was younger Black men. 132,036 Black men under the age of 35 voted in 2020 and are still registered there, 58,151 of them didn't vote in this election (44%). For comparison, the dropoff among young Black women was 30%.
I've also started looking at the question of what impact the bomb threats had on turnout. We need to look at this at a more granular level, but the targeted counties had drop-off percentages that were basically in line with the state average of 22%.
I spent a little time this morning looking over voter registration data over the course of the election in various states, looking for signs in retrospect of a Trump win. Looking at PA, something jumps out that I think is instructive as to the path forward.
Much of the conversation around the future of the D emparty/the need to fix the brand with "working class" voters centers around white voters. But something different emerges in the new voter reg data that speaks to the need for Dems to invest in organizing communities of color.
Look at the party registration comparisons in PA, first among voters of color, then among white voters.
Our team worked with the folks at Hart Research, in a project for PSG Consulting that produced some very interesting results. Both surveys looked at different angles of campaign advertising/media consumption. Here are a few highlights:
The Hart survey looked at swing voters in battleground states, who found the negative ads about Trump most memorable, followed by the positive Harris ads. Trump ads were less memorable (perhaps suggesting his broader media strategy, podcasts, etc, was much more effective?).
Reinforcing that point, swing voters were just much more likely to have seen a Harris ad. Perhaps this also helps explain why the swing to Trump was much smaller in the battlegrounds, relative to the rest of the country.
We won't have the full picture of turnout differentials for a while (states take weeks to months to publish Election Day individual turnout history) but looking at county data a bit of a pattern is emerging.
Outside of the battlegrounds, similar to 2022, Dem turnout seems to have cratered, and there were likely GOP persuasion gains, resulting in those bigger swings in states like NY, NJ, MA, FL, etc
Inside the battlegrounds, the turnout variations are much smaller, but generally turnout in Dem counties is running just slightly behind 2020, while GOP turnout is running just ahead. Couple that with slight persuasion gains, and you have the small shifts that won it for Trump.
Facing several somewhat overwhelming questions and realities this morning. First, why the data that gave me optimism that Harris could win was just wrong, or at least my interpretation of it was.
It will take some time for all of the data necessary to answer these questions is available. But there are many bitter truths to acknowledge this morning.
Of course, analytics aside, the most bitter truth is that America chose a convicted felon who ran a campaign focused on fear and division, bullying and attacking the most marginalized among us.