Ruth Deyermond Profile picture
Nov 3 26 tweets 4 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
Given some of the reporting of the last week, it’s clear that we’re in for another wave of discussion about whether Ukraine should be pushed to the negotiating table. A 🧵
I don’t want to focus on the ethics, or otherwise, of trying to pressure Ukraine to make concessions in order to freeze the conflict. Instead, I want to look at the implications of these policies for regional, European, and therefore also US security.
I think it’s very unlikely that Western govts would try to force Ukraine to cede any of its territory to Russia. The sovereignty/territorial integrity principles are too important for their conception of international order (as long as you ignore Kosovo).
It would also be too embarrassing a retreat from the position of the last decade on Crimea & Donbas.
So any peace deal Western partners might try to push Ukraine into signing would involve a pause, not a resolution to the fighting. This would create a frozen conflict. We can be pretty confident that’s what the Russian government is hoping for because it *loves* frozen conflicts.
The term “frozen conflicts” (as far as I know) was coined to refer to conflicts in the Soviet successor states, as they were then described. They were triggered by the breakup of the USSR and, 30 years on, none have been resolved.
What froze the conflicts – what both stopped the fighting and prevented final resolution – was Russian military intervention, referred to by the Russians as peacekeeping (and pretty much everyone else as “peacekeeping”).
Frozen conflicts increase Russian access to the contested territory, allowing it to develop its military presence in areas it considers strategically important and expanding relations of political and economic dependence.
Russian dominance means the Kremlin can shape the conditions under which fighting does or doesn’t resume.
Frozen conflicts perform 3 key functions for Russia. 1. Control over the state in question. For 30 years, this has been one of the two preferred tools of Russian coercion in the region (the other is energy blackmail).
With “peacekeeping” forces in place and Russian political and economic domination of the breakaway region, a frozen conflict acts as a choke chain around the neck of the affected state, to be tightened when that state’s govt needs to be brought into line.
2: It allows for the consolidation and expansion of Russian military presence in the contested territory. This helps advance both defensive and offensive objectives.
It allows Russia to protect what the Kremlin sees as its zone of strategic interest and reclaim what it sees as its military bases (lost when the USSR collapsed).
More importantly from the Western perspective, the expansion of Russia’s military presence in these territories facilitates further invasions and annexations. It allows Russia to build up forces beyond its borders that can then be used to attack further West/South in the future.
For example, the annexation of Crimea created the conditions under which the Feb 22 invasion was possible; the military presence in Abkhazia is allowing Russia to relocate some of the Black Sea Fleet pushed out of Crimea by Ukrainian attacks.
3. Because of 1 &2, frozen conflicts make Western states and organisations nervous about developing closer ties to the states who have lost control of parts of their territory.
It took an actual full-scale invasion for them to overcome this anxiety (up to a point) and support Ukraine (also up to a point). Keeping the West out is one of Russia’s main objectives in cultivating frozen conflicts.
The lack of a final resolution in frozen conflicts is important from the Russian govt’s perspective. Resolution removes both a coercive tool in relation to the affected state and the uncertainty frightening the West.
The desire to push Ukraine to the negotiating table is deeply misguided. It won't make the war go away, allow Europe to stop worrying about the expansion of the conflict and energy insecurity, or the US to get back to (as some clearly see it) more important business.
It would simply give the Russian govt what it wants – the time to try to recover and to do what it does with frozen conflicts, including consolidate its military forces in occupied Ukrainian regions.
That matters for Westen security because the relationship with Russia is now extremely hostile (arguably worse than any point since the Cuban Missile Crisis) and because it will be taken by the Kremlin as confirmation of Western weakness – that the West has bottled it once again.
That is not a scenario in which the West would be wise to allow Russia the time and space to build up military strength in occupied regions.
And what would it do to the relationship between Ukraine (govt and people) and Western states and institutions? Nothing good.
Again, setting aside the ethical issues, there is an obvious issue of self-interest in maintaining strong relations with Ukraine in an era of extreme Russian hostility to the West.
As frightening, destabilizing, and costly as the war is, an attempt to push Ukraine into agreements that would create a frozen conflict would be more destabilizing, more costly, and more frightening in the long run.
Frozen conflicts are installment plan wars, and the only person who benefits from that model is the vendor: Russia.

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More from @ruth_deyermond

Oct 31
Working on my book (post-Cold War US-Russia relations) and realised that the whole relationship can pretty much be summarised in pictures of the two presidents meeting. A thread.
Bush 41-Gorbachev: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/russia-programs/2020-06-02/washington-camp-david-summit-30-years-ago
Bush 41-Yeltsin: Image
Read 17 tweets
Sep 6
Hard to overstate how embarrassing this is for Russia. Armenia was one of its two closest allies among states formerly part of the USSR (Belarus the other). Russia's priority in the region has always been blocking US military influence/presence. What a failure of Russian strategy
And this is happening at the same time as the humiliation of Russia, allegedly one of the world's great military powers and previously a major arms exporter, having to turn to North Korea for weapons.
Also, of course, happening shortly after Putin was unable to attend the BRICS summit because he's hiding from an international arrest warrant.
Read 4 tweets
May 11
I mentioned at the start of my last thread that, in my experience, Western policymakers and advisors who are reluctant to see Ukraine de-occupy Crimea are concerned about nuclear dangers and the risk of Russian disintegration. A 🧵 on this second point.
Since the USSR began to come apart in the very early 90s, there’s been a lot of Western anxiety about the consequences of Soviet, and then Russian, disintegration.
In 1990-91, Western fears of Soviet disintegration concerned the explosion of Yugoslavia-style ethno-nationalist conflicts in the world’s largest state, involving over a quarter of a billion people and the USSR’s huge conventional and nuclear, chemical, and biological arsenals.
Read 21 tweets
May 9
We’re seeing another round of media items about whether the US and some European states want to push Zelensky to make concessions, above all on Crimea. A 🧵
Anxiety among some Western policymakers about Ukraine doing too well and retaking Crimea seems, in my experience, to be focused on 2 things: fear that Russia will use nuclear weapons and fear of Russian collapse (which I may do a thread on tomorrow if I have time).
Both are reasonable and necessary fears - l'd doubt the competence of any politician or advisor who wasn't worried about them. But that doesn’t mean that either are the most likely consequences of supporting Ukraine re. Crimea.
Read 22 tweets
Mar 8
This feels like a potentially very important moment for Georgia, almost 20 years after the Rose Revolution. 🇬🇪
Just yesterday my MA class was discussing Georgia and Moldova since the collapse of the USSR. Among other things, we talked about was the way the relative positions of the two states on membership of the EU and on European/Western identity has changed in the last decade.
But, of course, the position of governments is one thing and the the popular view is something else. Govts are on dangerous ground when acting against strong public feeling, perhaps particularly when those actions touch on matters of national identity.
Read 9 tweets
Feb 23
Like everyone else, I’ve been thinking about the anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked war against Ukraine. One striking thing about the last year i how hard it is for people, particularly the media, to ditch the myth of Russian invincibility and Putin’s cunning.
The decision to invade Ukraine was an error of staggering proportions, the most profoundly stupid decision made by a powerful state in living memory. The obvious and epic stupidity of it was one of the reasons that a lot of observers, including me, didn’t think it would happen.
But built into Western media reporting of the war (not all of it, obviously) is the constant assumption that Russia is going to pull something out of the hat, change its fortunes in the war through a stroke of hitherto hidden strategic or tactical genius.
Read 26 tweets

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