Unfortunately both people inside&outside of UA mostly concentrate on specific personalities analysing war dynamics instead of giving a thought to objective conditions. By this people miss really important things and how they shape limits of possible. Thread 🧵
The major problem for UA mil strategy that in 2023 campaign (unlike in 2022 campaign) political goals, military capabilities and combat performance have not been in balance. Moreover there was a tension between political&military dimension. Let’s see this contrast in detail.
In 2022 UA campaign there was kind of perfect match between political goals, mil capabilities&combat performance. Politically strat defense with counterattacks was just fine. And for this UA had proper capabilities&combat performance. Front dynamics in 2022 reflected this match.
In 2023 campaign politically UA had to do classic offensive operation to liberate its people&territories. Staying just defensive was no more enough. Cause if it’s only defensive mode it means pressure on UA to freeze frontline with first hints on freezing out of US in Nov 2022.
But militarily offensive in this war is a challenge with “offensive-defensive balance” favouring defense. It’s much easier to detect&strike opponent concentration of forces than creating such concentration and applying it which is required for successful offensive action.
This tension between political&military dimension is one of themes in gen Zaluzhniy piece for The Economist. UA Commander in Chief admitted that politically UA needs to advance. But militarily it’s a challenge with number&sophistication of technology UA Forces currently possess.
There is another problem - trap of West expectations UA got into. As partners finally decided in Jan 2023 to establish offensive specific grouping of forces&provided weaponry RU created defense in depth+obstacles which only reinforced defense-offensive balance in defence favour.
So West basically expected things UA Defense Forces would find it hard to deliver with all the negative consequences for sustaining long term military aid for UA.
That’s why in June 2023 UA faced a kind of strat zugzwang. As it happened doing a classic offensive people expected out of UA proved to be a challenge. At the same time it’s hard to imagine that UA would dare to say “We are not going to do offensive as we deem it too risky”.
That’s things we need to accept and in 2024 campaign plan bring into balance political&military considerations while looking technological&tactical solutions which finally change offensive-defensive balance back in offensive favour as gen Zaluzhniy suggested.
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A quick thread on idea raised privately by some US officials that should UA be more forceful in penetration phase early in South offensive it might have lost more but in the end accomplished a breakthrough of RU tactical depth quicker instead of being bogged in tactical depth.
But first some important facts to consider this issue.
1 Trent Maul, director of analysis at DIA, admitted in The Economist interview that “US officials failed to appreciate the depth of Russia’s defences”.
2 UA summer Southern offensive was wargamed in early March 2023 at Wiesbaden. All war games are done based on prior intelligence assessments/forecasts.
Недавно пан @anthony__cba попросив скласти список того, що перечитав із книжок по воєнним і стратегічним питанням. Даю перелік книг, які прочитав із жовтня 2018 до 24.02.22 року.
3Александр Свечин “Клаузевіц”.
4Toshi Yoshihara, James R. Holmes “Red Star over the Pacific: China's Rise and the Challenge to U.S. Maritime Strategy”
5Андрей Кокошин “Армия и политика. Эволюция советской военно-политической и военно-стратегической мысли (1918—1991)”
6Георгий Иссерсон “Эволюция оперативного искусства”
7Александр Свечин “Стратегия”
8Александр Свечин “Эволюция военного искусства”.
9John Andreas Olsen, Martin van Creveld “The Evolution of Operational Art: From Napoleon to the Present”.
US-UA relations after 1991 can be described as UA desire to attain US security guarantees given RU threat while US were mainly ready to build partnership in field of security with UA avoiding risks of direct confrontation with RU.
So current tussle over Vilnius NATO summit wordings related to UA is nothing new except circumstances which progressively deteriorate given past restraint to idea of UA NATO membership.
P.S. UA for the first time raised issue of US security guarantees like ones of NATO in course of nuc disarmament of 1992-94.
@viddavaj Там трохи цікавіше чим запамʼятав. Вибачаюся. Дійсно США тисли щоб ніяких ракет більше 300 км якщо виробляти плануємо відповідно до політики 1993 року. Але дід Горбулін відстояв право якщо що створювати то до дальності 500 км. Держдеп сказав ок, бо розуміли що ніц не втягнемо.
Another bunch of my humble thoughts on current and prospective UA-NATO relations. Thread.
Prologue. I am definitely not a big fun of John Mearsheimer who is a moral bankrupt as his so called realism is just appeasement of revisionist states.
But in his book “Tragedy of great power politics” there is one sound thought - very often instead of balancing as a response to revisionist state there is a buck-passing when states try to pass responsibility of confronting revisionist on others.
Some thoughts on recent discussions on future of Ukrainian-NATO relations on the eve of Vilnius Alliance summit. Thread.
Recently some UA officials&experts publicly and privately tried to provide such a reading of NATO Article 5 which in their opinion will bring us close to Alliance membership.
The argument is the following one. Since Article 5 allows broad interpretation of mutual defense clause aid to UA as a NATO ally in event of war may include primarily weaponry&ammo, intelligence, training instead of establishment&employment of coalition grouping of forces.