Some belated thoughts on the Colorado Supreme Court’s historic ruling Tuesday that Trump is disqualified from the presidency as an insurrectionist. I’ll start with the dessert and then get to the medicine. ...
/1bit.ly/3vcCJTW
... Right after Jan. 6, when people first started talking about § 3 of the 14th Am, I assumed that when the matter finally reached SCOTUS, Justices Alito & Thomas would write separately—no matter what the rest of the court did—to say that Jan. 6 wasn’t an insurrection. ...
/2
... But today, with more knowledge about both § 3 & J6, such an opinion “won’t write,” as clerks say. You'd have to ignore every relevant judicial ruling, dictionary definition, grand jury charge, & treatise and rely, instead, on @WSJ op-eds by former Trump Adm folks. ...
/3
... As the SCOCO majority wrote, one can quibble about the outer contours of "insurrection," but “[a]ny definition ... would encompass a concerted & public effort ... to hinder ... the US govt from taking the actions necessary to accomplish a peaceful transfer of power.” /4
... Claiming that Trump didn’t “engage in” the insurrection also fails. Even if a SCOTUS justice isn’t willing to disqualify, he/she won’t try to make that argument. Doing so would enshrine their disingenuousness in the US Reports forever. ...
/5
The SCOCO majority wrote (with no dissents on this): “As our detailed recitation of the evidence shows, President Trump did not merely incite the insurrection. Even when the siege on the Capitol was fully underway, he continued to support it ...
/6
... by repeatedly demanding that Vice President Pence refuse to perform his constitutional dutyand by calling Senators to persuade them to stop the counting of electoral votes. These actions constituted overt, voluntary, and direct participation in the insurrection.”
/7
SCOCO also found (with no dissents) that Trump’s Ellipse speech overcame 1st Am bars & constituted incitement : “We agree that President Trump intended that his speech would result in the use of violence or lawless action on J6 to prevent the peaceful transfer of power. ...”
/8
“ ... Despite his knowledge of the anger that he had instigated, his calls to arms, his awareness of the threats of violence that had been made leading up to January 6, and the obvious fact that many in the crowd were angry and armed, ... “
/9
... “Pres. Trump told his riled-up supporters to walk down to the Capitol and fight. He then stood back and let the fighting happen, despite having the ability and authority to stop it ..., thereby confirming that this violence was what he intended.”
/10
... The trial judge's escape hatch—that the presidency isn’t an “office” and the president isn’t an “officer” within the meaning of § 3—did not win a single vote at SCOCO. It will be a heavy lift at SCOTUS, where conservatives see themselves as “plain meaning” originalists.
/11
... In its landmark 2008 gun-rights ruling, SCOTUS conservatives scoffed at reading into constitutional provisions “secret or technical meanings that would not have been known to ordinary citizens” at the time of drafting. The SCOCO majority quoted that language here ...
/12
... in overturning the trial judge’s finding on that issue. “The drafters of Section Three were motivated by a sense of betrayal; that is, by the existence of a broken oath, not by the type of officer who broke it.” ...
/13
“A construction of Section Three that would nevertheless allow a former President who broke his oath, not only to participate in the government again but to run for and hold the highest office in the land, is flatly unfaithful to the Section’s purpose.”
/14
... Now for the medicine. SCOTUS faces a stark choice. On the one hand, it can disqualify—something only 4 of 7 Democratic-appointed judges had the cajones to do at SCOCO. ...
/15
... A SCOTUS ruling to disqualify would likely incite violence and, doubtless, serious death threats against justices. Ideally, you'd like a 9-0 ruling to gain public acceptance, and gaining even 5 is hard to imagine. ...
/16
... But what’s the escape hatch? There aren’t many credible ones left. The §-3-doesn’t-apply-to-presidents argument always had trouble passing the laugh test, and it emerged from the appellate crucible even worse for wear. ...
/17
... How did the dissenters find their way out? Two cited state law issues. SCOTUS can’t do that, tho, both because it’s not supposed to decide state law & because that won’t give guidance for the other cases now rising up thru the court systems of other states.
/18
... That leaves the route that dissenting Justice Samour took: that § 3 isn’t “self-executing” and only Congress can devise an enforcement mechanism for it. This is the argument that Chief Justice Salmon Chase adopted in Griffin’s Case while sitting as a lower court judge ...
/19
... in Virginia in 1869. Since then, some of the nation’s best constitutional historians & scholars (including originalists) have picked gaping holes in Chase’s nonbinding reasoning. E.g., this link:
/20bit.ly/3QxDqzA
... Chase’s ruling was crudely result-oriented and anything but “originalist.” Still, justices looking for a way out may grab that one. ...
/21
Although @gtconway3d has written that the dissents in the Colorado case reinforced in his mind the strength of the majority opinion, I had a slightly different takeaway. ...
/22bit.ly/3Nxl0fZ
@gtconway3d ... I agree that none of the 3 dissenters bowled anyone over with a bullet-proof legal argument. But the emotional cri du coeurs from two of them may have a impact on some SCOTUS justices—including the liberals. ...
/23
@gtconway3d ... Chief Justice Boatright bemoaned the “breakneck pace” of the CO election-challenge procedures, which he said just weren’t “commensurate” with the “extraordinary” issues being decided. “Just because a hearing was held ... doesn’t mean ... due process was observed.”
/24
@gtconway3d ... Justice Carlos Samour was the most impassioned. “I have been involved in the justice system for 33 years now,” he wrote, “& what took place here doesn’t resemble anything I’ve seen in a courtroom.” ...
/25
@gtconway3d ... Samour said the “the Section Three challenge brought by the Electors was a square constitutional peg that could not be jammed into our Election Code’s round hole,” and that “what transpired in this litigation fell woefully short of what due process demands.”. ...
/26
@gtconway3d ... Personally, I thought Judge Sarah Wallace presided over a very fair 5-day bench trial. (And ruled for Trump!) After all, this isn’t an Agatha Christie whodunit. Thanks to the House Select Committee, everyone subject to compulsory process has already been deposed. ...
/27
@gtconway3d ... Furthermore, Trump chose not to testify. That can and should be used against him at a civil trial (though neither the trial judge nor SCOCO justices appear to have held that against him). ...
/28
@gtconway3d Still, I can’t see SCOTUS voting to disqualify. While there isn’t a good “plain meaning” originalist basis for *not*disqualifying, five justices can turn to Griffin’s Case and say “I’m just following precedent.” That's their least implausible escape hatch.
/29-end
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A month after SCOTUS ordered govt to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return, parties filed briefs last night over “state secrets” & “deliberative process” privileges. On 5/7 Secy Rubio filed sealed declaration claiming that any “agreement” with Bukele is a “state secret.” ... 1/5
... Abrego Garcia says Rubio’s declaration is “vague & boilerplate” and belied by public statements galore by Rubio, Bukele & others. (State secret can be invoked when compelling evidence would “expose military secrets” compromising “national security.”) ...
/2
... Interestingly, Abrego Garcia's attys say that, during mysterious week-long pause in case, govt “apparently” suggested to court that it was working to secure his return, even as senior officials said “precisely the opposite to the American public” ...
/3
Will courts ever declare that Trump is unlawfully dismantling Congressionally created agencies? Or will they just treat his actions as if they were ordinary cuts & trims—albeit on an unusually large scale? Will courts ever see the forest for the trees? Thread ... 1/11
In 2 remarkable recent orders, judges saw the forest. In one, on Friday, Judge Ilston of SF issued a broad temporary restraining order freezing efforts to dismantle 21 federal agencies. In the other, on 4/22, Judge Lamberth of DC saved, for the moment, Voice of America ...
/2
... The hurdle both orders face on appeal is this: Ordinary federal employment disputes get shunted off to administrative bodies that can’t issue injunctions or address constitutional questions. The govt says that that’s what should’ve happened in these cases, too ... /3
Let me unpack this. Judge James Hendrix of the Northern District of Texas is refusing to permit Venezuelans detained there to bring a class action challenging the lawfulness of Trump’s Alien Enemies Act proclamation or to ensure minimum due process measures. ... 1/5
... While Hendrix concedes that there are some common, class-wide issues—like: Is invoking the AEA even lawful here?—he says individual issues prevail & each incarcerated alien should proceed individually. He also denies class treatment as a matter of “discretion.” ...
/2
... The judge reasons that individual suits will actually be better for the detainees. What if, for example, a 13-year-old US citizen is mixed in among them? Wouldn’t it be better for him to sue individually than risk getting overlooked in a complicated class action? ...
/3
The govt is asking Judge Gallagher in Baltimore to vacate an order she entered on 4/23 requiring DHS to “facilitate” return of a 2d man in El Salvador's CECOT prison, known as Cristian. (Not Abrego Garcia) Govt has filed under seal an “indicative asylum decision” ... 1/5
... Under Judge Gallagher’s earlier orders (4/23 and 4/30), the govt was supposed to tell Judge Gallagher what steps they’ve taken to facilitate Cristian’s return at a status conference tomorrow (5/6/25). ...
/2
... Cristian, now 20, is a Venezuelan covered by a 2024 class action settlement of a 2019 lawsuit on behalf of unaccompanied alien children. The settlement bars class members from being removed before their asylum claims are finally decided. ...
/3
A note on Judge Howell’s ruling striking down the Perkins Coie exec order. Key point is in 1st sentence: “No American President has ever before issued exec. orders like the [this] one.” Trump apologists can change the subject or stay silent, but can’t deny she’s right. ...
1/10
Without a blue tic, I can’t even fit all the constitutional violations into one tweet. I count 9: (1) free speech (1st Am); (2) free association (1st Am); (3) right to petition govt (1st Am); (4) right against compelled disclosure of confidential associations (1st Am);...
/2
... (5) equal protection (5th Am); (6) procedural due process (5th Am); (7) void for vagueness (5th Am); (8) right to counsel in civil cases (when you can afford one) (5th Am); right to counsel in criminal cases (6th Am). Howell does not decide one of Perkins’ claims ...
/3
In 35-page ruling, DColo judge grants class-wide (statewide) TRO against removing Venezuelans under Alien Enemy Act. Plaintiffs likely to win on argument that ACT DOES NOT APPLY. "Invasion," "predatory incursion," "foreign nation or govt" all absent here. storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.usco…
She also finds that DOJ's current 24 hr notice is insufficient. Must provide at least 21 days notice.
/2
Notice must also tell aliens of right to seek review, right to speak to atty, and must be written in language the alien understands. ..
/3