Did Russia Suffer a Strategic Defeat? Global Concerns and Security Outlook
In the early days of the war, Russian armored columns, consisting of hundreds of tanks and APCs, broke into peaceful streets, leaving behind a trail of destruction and death. However, these columns often met the fate of being devastated and abandoned within days or even hours. The failure to achieve quick victories through skilled maneuvers led to high casualties and a lack of success in their initial strategic goals. As a result, Russian forces had to rethink their approach, focusing on encirclement and destruction through extensive artillery and aviation strikes.
What I just described wasn't related to Ukraine but rather described events from the Battle of Grozny during the New Year's Eve period of 1994-1995.
Even after Grozny, the capital of Chechnya came under Russian control, the war concluded in 1996 with the signing of the Khasavyurt Accord, granting de facto independence to the Chechen Republic. In three years, the re-armed and reorganized Russian army invaded Chechnya again in 1999. This time, their approach not only led to occupation but also resulted in the installation and promotion of a loyal warlord.
Fast forward two decades, despite the Chechen people gaining global recognition for their fierce resistance, and enduring the suffering of mass executions and torture, some of them, now called Kadyrovites, find themselves involved in actions in Ukraine reminiscent of past Russian aggression against them. Ukrainians from Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblasts, share a similar fate. In just eight years, new military units, composed of drafted Ukrainians, have emerged, ready to invade their neighbors, relatives, and former friends.
The recently occupied territories by the Russians, including parts of Zaporizhian and Kherson oblasts, will face a similar fate. Following the complete destruction of Mariupol, one of the initial large-scale constructions is a military boarding school for school-aged children - an effort to cultivate a new cadre reserve for the Russian military and law enforcement.
Construction of the military boarding school for kids in Mariupol
As an analyst, maintaining objectivity is important, and situations must be assessed regardless of whether the outcomes fit a particular narrative. Currently, a key question emerges about the possibility of Russia directly invading a NATO country, akin to an invasion of Ukraine. Given that the Russian army has been struggling to capture a Ukrainian town like Avdiivka for several months, it seems unlikely that they can currently manage to seize a city like Warsaw. Therefore, a direct invasion seems improbable. However, this doesn't rule out the possibility of Russian tanks entering NATO territory. But how is it possible?
The alternative could involve a more subtle and pragmatic approach, albeit one that remains bloody. Russians recognize the improbability of defeating NATO in a direct confrontation, primarily due to the strength of the US. Nevertheless, in their strategic perspective, NATO is perceived as a grave threat to their expansionist and revisionist worldview, and they believe this threat must be eliminated.
Instead of relying on direct kinetic power, which could lead to a military confrontation with the US and potential nuclear escalation, Russia is likely to use a combination of approaches, including kinetic power through proxies. One potential scenario involves leveraging ethnic Russians in Latvia, constituting 25% of the population, like the 2014 Donbas strategy, framed as a civil war and separatist movement. This could create ambiguity around the applicability of NATO Article 5, possibly dissuading some countries from active participation and undermining NATO's cohesion, principles, and sense of security.
A similar scenario could be implemented in Lithuania, despite the lower percentage of Russians in the country. Russia might utilize proxy forces, such as Wagner in Belarus, to provoke incidents and indirectly involve two NATO countries. Importantly, Wagner and other Russian proxy forces are not formally part of the Russian military, operating from outside Russian territory. This isn't mere speculation; Russia employed similar tactics in 2014, and it mirrors successful operations by Iran, like the use of Houthis in Yemen to engage with US forces or Hezbollah in Lebanon to engage with Israel. The overarching goal persists – to assess NATO unity without a humiliating defeat in direct confrontation and nuclear exchange. If successful, it would stand as one of the most significant geostrategic achievements that Russia could attain.
These are not the only strategies at Putin's disposal. Both Russia and Belarus are known to exploit immigrants at their borders as a destabilization factor, weaponizing illegal immigration against Europe. This also fuels the rise of far-right political parties, some openly sponsored by Moscow. Russia's goal is not an immediate military defeat of Europe; rather, it aims to install leaders aligned with its interests, akin to Viktor Orban in Hungary, across multiple European countries. This strategy, combined with isolationist forces in the US, seeks to render Europe dysfunctional and impede its collective resistance against Russia.
Putin's dual approach is simple yet effective. On one hand, he showcases the Ukrainian scenario marked by war, suffering, destruction, and death. On the other hand, he offers an "Orban" scenario promising improved oil and gas prices, avoidance of war, enrichment of elites, and populist support for the "anti-globalist" movement. This war has shown the unpleasant reality when despite large GDPs, European military production has languished due to post-Cold War policies. The unpreparedness of the West for a war of attrition is clear, a strategy integral to the Russian military doctrine.
Russians aim to draw technologically superior opponents into protracted conflicts, rendering it economically untenable and eventually forcing negotiations on Russia's terms. A critical question arises: how many citizens of Spain, Portugal, Netherlands, Italy, or Luxembourg are willing to endure hundreds of thousands of killed and crippled when the alternative involves reclaiming inexpensive Russian resources and benefiting from Russian elites who spend money in their countries? Unfortunately, the answer to this question may not be optimistic - Russians have sold the saw which Europe uses to cut the branch it's sitting on in the past.
Ukraine currently serves as a deterrent to further Russian actions in Europe, as the bulk of its resources are concentrated in the ongoing war. Reflecting on the example of Chechnya is crucial; conquered and subdued nations don't merely become economic vassals. They contribute people to the Russian army, where ethnic minorities often face high casualty rates. This pattern, akin to historical instances like Xerxes' Persian army conscripting subjects to conquer Greeks, is not a historical fiction.
If Ukraine were to fall, it could follow the same trajectory—repressions, incorporation, and forced mobilization into the Russian army for future conflicts.
In the event of the United States adopting an isolationist stance, and abandoning allies or partners such as Ukraine, a nation deemed of vital national interest as outlined by President Biden, Russia will exploit this vulnerability. The prospect of using military force to subdue neighbors becomes more viable, especially when considering the potential to replenish human resources with newly occupied territories, as seen in Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk.
The potential fall of Ukraine can reassure Putin in pursuing his ambitions to exert influence over Europe. The threat of a Ukrainian-style scenario, coupled with offered economic incentives and the corruption of elites, could be instrumental in subduing smaller neighboring nations. This not only poses a significant risk to the stability of European countries but also has the potential to seriously impact the economic situation in the United States.
Halting Putin's actions in Ukraine is essential to prevent the described scenarios. Russia's military defeat would act as a deterrent to further aggressive plans.
Only continuous supplement of military aid to Ukraine will ensure victory. Without such support, we might find ourselves in a multi-polar world driven by populist rhetoric in revisionist states, just exactly like a century ago.
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Units like K-2, Madyar’s Birds, the Lasar Group, and the 3rd Corps stand out as well-organized formations that, through leadership, organization, media savvy, and initiative, have delivered solid results often to the point where their unit presence can shift battlefield dynamics:
2/ For all their success, these units are just a small part of Ukraine’s forces. They can’t hold the whole frontline or make up for systemic flaws. Nurturing leaders takes time - they can’t be copied. To extrapolate personal skill into institutional strength , you need a system.
3/ The priority remains systemic reform: to build a military where all units, if not matching the elite few, at least operate within reach of their standards. The Ministry of Defense has made progress since late 2024, but Ukraine is still lagging behind where it needs to be
In June, Reuters reported that North Korea could deploy more troops to Russia as early as July or August to support its war in Ukraine, citing South Korea’s National Intelligence Service and lawmaker Lee Seong-kweun. With July coming to an end, it’s worth revisiting this
2/ According to earlier reports in June and July, an additional 25,000 - 30,000 troops could be deployed, a force roughly equivalent to a military corps. As of late July, there has been no confirmation or evidence of additional North Korean troops near the Ukrainian border.
3/ In exchange for supplying Russia with artillery shells and missiles, North Korea is likely receiving technical assistance on satellite launches and missile guidance systems, Lee Seong-kweun reported back in June, citing the NIS briefing.
Another Ukrainian drone strike inside Russia, likely targeting a railway traction substation in the Volgograd region. The strike caused a visible fire. Some reports mentioned a nearby oil refinery, but our analysis points to the substation. More details in the thread:
2/ NASA’s FIRMS system locates the fire in the area where the substation is located, marked by the red rectangle on the map. The governor of Volgograd also stated - due to falling drone debris, power supply to the railway’s network in the Oktyabrsky district has been disrupted
3/ The Zhutovo railway traction substation (110/35/27/10 kV) powers the electrified rail line between Volgograd and Kotelnikovo. Disabling it cuts power to electric trains, disrupting traffic along this important logistical route. But what makes it particularly important?
When it comes to the results of Ukrainian strikes deep inside Russia, one of the most asked questions is why Ukrainian drone strikes cause damage that often appears insufficient. The answer lies largely in engineering trade-offs: the balance between range and payload. Thread 🧵:
2/ Drones that fly far have to allocate a lot of their weight and space to fuel/batteries, which leaves less room for explosives. Long range also creates aerodynamic issues - to carry more fuel, drones needs to be bigger, which makes them heavier, slower, easier to intercept
3/ Advanced materials and engineering could help mitigate these limitations, but such solutions often dramatically increase costs and reduce scalability, which are critical factors in a war of attrition. And even high-end drones remain vulnerable to simple and cheap air defense
In the early morning of July 26th, multiple videos surfaced showing a UAV strike on the Russian "Signal" radio plant in Stavropol. Our team has conducted a preliminary BDA assessment and gathered key context on the facility’s role in Russia’s military production. 🧵Thread:
2/ The factory is located roughly 500 km from the area under Ukrainian control. The strike targeted one of its production facilities, around the 2nd and 3rd floor. The building appears to have avoided critical structural damage, though localized fires were reported
3/ The facility serves both military and civilian sectors. In recent decades, Signal has been involved in a range of defense and industrial projects. Notably, it supplied cathodic protection equipment for the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant in Iran.
Frontelligence Insight estimates that by the end of June 2025, Russian combat fatalities may have reached, or even surpassed, 250,000. The projection is based on a synthetic estimation model that extrapolates from regionally confirmed, by-name casualty records.
🧵Thread:
2/ The team drew on confirmed casualty data compiled by Idel.Realities and Baikal Stories, tallying losses by region of origin and comparing them to each region’s working-age male population (defined as ages 16 to 60). The analysis covered 17 Russian regions.
3/ For example, in Buryatia, as of mid-June 2025, 2,924 service members killed in action had been confirmed by name. Official data puts the region’s male population at around 455,000, with ~284,800 (about 62.6%) aged 16 to 60. That gives a 1.03% KIA rate among working-age men