Chris Elmendorf Profile picture
Jan 2, 2024 16 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Whoa, the NEPA provisions tucked into the new "Clean Electricity & Transmission Acceleration Act" are like a wish list for greenmailers.

There's lots of good in the bill (⤵️), but the NEPA stuff is stunning. Come take a look.
🧵. 1/14.
1. The bill defines "enviro impact" to include not only enviro impacts, but also "aesthetic, historic, cultural, economic, social, or health" effects.

(Whereas CEQA is still about "physical environment"--even in the infamous Berkeley case.
)

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2. The bill creates utterly open-ended authority for fed. agencies to demand a "community benefit agreement" as price of any permit for which an EIS was prepared.

This converts NEPA from procedural statute into grant of substantive reg / exaction authority.
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In exercising the "community benefit agreement" authority, what is a federal agency supposed to consider?

Consideration #1 is the deepness of the permit-applicant's pocket. Seriously.
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And in case the new, expansive definition of "enviro impact" wasn't clear enough, the bill adds that CBAs may be imposed to offset any *social or economic* (as well as enviro) impacts of the project.
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In fact, the bill says an agency can impose a CBA not just to mitigate adverse effects of the project, but "to address legacy or historical harm" with, e.g., local-hire requirements.
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3. The bill would also destroy the caselaw that limits scope of enviro review to scope of agency's regulatory discretion, not only via the CBA provision but also by expressly requiring analysis of effects "not within control of any federal agency."

/7 supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/…
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4. And the bill would send a torrent of federal dollars into the coffers of groups who'd exploit NEPA for labor or other side hustles.

- there's $3 billion of "community engagement" grants to arm nonprofits & others
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- and there's a new statutory mandate that FERC reimburse NGO intervenors in regulatory proceedings (if intervenor affects the outcome)
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5. And in case NEPA turned up to 11 isn't enough, there's also a new, judicially enforceable mandate for "community impact reports" if a project may affect an "environmental justice community."
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6. There's also a wild provision that seems to prevent federal agencies from considering any project alternatives in an EIS unless (a) the alternative would have no adverse impact on any "overburdened community," or (b) it serves a compelling interest *in that community.*
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"Overburdened communities" are defined, in turn, not as communities burdened by the project, or by legacy pollution, but by race, poverty, or language-minority status.

(CJ Roberts & Co. may find the race piece unconstitutional, but the rest would stand.)
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The biggest shocker for me is that this bill has the backing of the old "New Democrats," not just the left wing of the Dem coalition.

I don't pretend to understand the coalitional politics, but, wow.
/13

seec.house.gov/media/press-re…
I should add that I know NEPA less well than CEQA. Maybe I'm misreading or misunderstanding something in the bill.
Let's hope better minds will find my errors.
@nicholas_bagley @dfarber @jadler1969 @AA_Mance @CarolineCecot @EnergyLawProf @AlecStapp @TDuncheon
/end
One more observation: the bill subtly nudges NEPA toward super-statute status by directing conflicts b/t NEPA "and any other provision of law" to be resolved in favor of NEPA. Image
@drvolts, @robinsonmeyer: I'd love to hear your thoughts on the CETAA draft that dropped last month. (Apologies if I missed your coverage.)

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More from @CSElmendorf

May 7
City of L.A. is swinging for the fences w/ demurrer to YIMBY lawsuit challenging adequacy of housing element rezoning.

I think city will lose at this stage, but its demurrer does illustrate a real problem w/ manner in which cities & HCD implement the Housing Element Law.
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L.A. argues that *none* of its housing element commitments is enforceable, owing to HE's prefatory description of programs/deadlines as aspirational.

(L.A. concedes it must rezone by statutory deadline, but insists it needn't do any specific rezoning actions listed in HE.)
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The nub of the problem is that *some* housing element programs must be real commitments, enforceable in court. See GC 65587(b) (enforcement by traditional mandamus) & GC 65589(d)(2) (burden of proof on city w.r.t. adequacy of rezoning & constraint removal programs).
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Read 5 tweets
May 7
This ⤵️ is an outstanding post from @mattyglesias on benefits of concentrated land ownership for urbanism and the renewal of downtowns.

My addenda follow below. 🧵/17
Matt's core point is that developers' incentive to invest in amenities like beautiful design, quality public space, and gathering places like coffee shops & bars is increasing in the share of the neighborhood that the developer owns.

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The new Mission Rock development in S.F. is a great illustration. Exceptional parks, great architecture.

Why? Likely because the entire 28-acre site was controlled by a single developer. Value of parks & architecture gets internalized as higher office & apartment rents.

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Read 18 tweets
May 5
After reading @GaneshSitaraman & Chris Serkin's "Post-Neoliberal Housing Policy" alongside @ezraklein's interview of @ZephyrTeachout & @saikatc, I think I'm finally starting to understand the crux of the Left's vehement reaction to Abundance.

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Each camp offers a diagnosis of the Democratic Party's predicament + a way out. I'd summarize it thus:

- Team Abundance: Improve blue-state governance. Attract new residents. Make voters elsewhere want their state (and nation!) to be more like California, New York, Illinois.

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Do it by centralizing power in state executives; increasing technocratic capacity in execs & legislatures; and fomenting a culture of outcome-oriented, evidence-based problem solving.
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Read 23 tweets
Mar 27
Here's a follow-up 🧵w/ highlights from the rest of the Fast Track Housing Package.

- @MattHaneySF's AB 1294 requires all local govs to accept a single, uniform, state-issued application for housing development projects. An excellent pro-competition policy.

1/14
- @AsmLoriDWilson's AB 660 authorizes third-party review of building permit applications (by licensed engineer) if city flubs shot-clock deadlines. An important self-help remedy and alternative to litigation.

- @JoshHooverCA's AB 1308 similarly authorizes third-party...

/2
building inspections if city does not issue certificates of occupancy for completed work in a timely fashion.

- @BuffyWicks's AB 712 provides hugely important reinforcement for these and other state housing laws, by stipulating that if city was "advised in writing"...

/3
Read 15 tweets
Mar 23
Proposition: Abundance and the conservationist mode of environmentalism are (or should be) friends, not enemies.
🧵/15. Image
There's a widespread view that Abundance squares w/ environmentalism only insofar as climate supersedes conservation as the Big Issue for enviros.

Tradeoffs b/t conservation & green energy give rise to a "Greens' Dilemma."
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Some people (e.g., @TedNordhaus) go further, asserting that environmental ideology is at war with Abundance. There's no space for compromise or synthesis.
/3


breakthroughjournal.org/p/environmenta…
Read 16 tweets
Mar 11
Even if CA enacts this amazing set of bills ⤵️, there are big challenges ahead.

I see six areas of concern on the horizon. 🧵/16.
Concern #1. Local political incentives.

Ditching public hearings on housing proposals ("ministerial approval") is good, but it doesn't give city council members any affirmative reason to facilitate -- or simply not obstruct -- development.

/2
What would improve their incentives?

- Replace single-member district elections w/ at-large or multi-member district elections. There's strong causal evidence that SMD elections depress housig production.

- Fix Prop. 13, or create new state -> local fiscal...

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Read 17 tweets

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