I guess we're doing this now too.

The issue with the original tweet is twofold: the first problem is of 'Latinity' - sure the Romans have a word, but how do they use it? Is it common? What are its most common uses?

The second is the failure to grasp Roman self-perception. 1/
So is 'virilitas' a common Latin word, the sort of word that might underpin some major Roman social value, strongly held belief in their culture?

No. As the Lewis&Short notes, it doesn't seem to be used at all in the Republic, so it's a late-appearing word. 2/
As for frequency, it is imperfect, but virilitas appears 14 times in the Perseus corpus (across 8 texts).

You may ask, "is that a lot?"

Well, let's compare. 'Virtus' - which also has the root meaning of 'manliness' - appears 8,734 times across 865 texts.

No, it is not a lot.3/
Alas, the TLL hasn't made it to 'v' or we'd have a more perfect comparison, but let me suggest that this is a very uncommon word. Most of the core Latin authors never use it at all.

Probably not a sort of core-value kind of word. 4/
How is it used? Well, the L&S notes 11 instances and here is the breakdown:
age of manhood (1)
fact of manhood (2)
male human genitalia (4)
male *animal* genitalia (2)
appropriate manly vigor (2).

So in pre-medieval Latin it mostly means 'penis' as a polite euphemism. 5/
What about the last two examples? One is Quintilian () for whom virilitas (and sanctitas) was a quality of old Latin poets as distinct from the poets of his own day, corrupted by the vices of luxury. 6/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
The other is a bit from Valerius Maximus () about how P. Scipio Nasica (this is Corculum, cos. 162, 155, not his son Serapio, cos 183) banned building a theater because he thought it was more appropriate for men to stand than sit taking in a play. 7/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
So it seems like you use 'virilitas' to describe things appropriate for men in contexts (poetry, theater) where the much stronger virtus with its strong martial connotations, would seem silly or frivolous. It's a circumlocution and an awkward one at that. 8/
Note what we don't have here: no long discourses on the value of virilitas or its importance.

Compare. Plaut. Amph. 646ff, "virtus is the greatest prize, virtus surely surpasses all things, it guards & preserves liberty, safety, life, property & parents, country & children..."9/
"...Virtus has everything in itself, someone with virtus has every good thing."

So from a basic question of Latinity - of using Latin the way the Romans used Latin - the word you wanted for a 'maximally desirable quality in a man' was virtus. 10/
Which then gets us to the second problem: the claim about Roman cultural values itself, that this is a "high testosterone civilization."

To be blunt, the Romans didn't seem to think so. 11/
So let's go back to virtus. It derives from Latin 'vir' ('man' as distinct from 'woman' or mere 'male' (=homo, hominis)) and so has this sense of 'manliness' but as any good Latinist well tell you more correctly means "courage, valor, excellence, drive." 12/
Virtus - as J.E. Lendon points out in Soldiers & Ghosts - *is* one of the core Roman values, one of the two great pillars (the other being disciplina) on which Roman military masculinity is built.

It was the qualities in someone that made them good at war. 13/
'Someone' because not only men have virtus!

Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi) has virtus (Juv. 6.166-9), Cicero's wife Terentia has virtus (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.1.1) as does his daughter (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.11 - summa virtute, no less! the utmost virtus!). 14/
So the actually important value, the one the Romans care about (again, virtus) isn't about 'testosterone' but about courage, energy and drive - and good Roman women can have it too.

Ok, but surely the Romans thought they were the manliest men in the world? Nope. 15/
Instead it is a classic element of Roman thought that the peoples to the north and west of them were excessively masculine, while the people to the south and east were insufficiently masculine, and Rome, of course, was 'just right.' 16/
e.g. Vitruvius 6.1.3-11, where people from northern (wet!damp) places supposedly have deep voices, great courage and energy, but are slow-witted, while people from southern (hot!dry) places are clever, quick-witted planners who lack courage and have high-pitched voices. 17/
And this is a quite common motif in Roman thought, e.g. Vitruvius, op. cit., but also Seneca De Ira 2.15, Pliny HN 2.79-80, Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 2.2 (where it is explicitly a gendered distinction), Vegetius De Re Militari 1.2. 18/
(Refs. quickly pulled from the excellent sourcebook on Race and Ethnicity in the Classical World (2013) ed.&trans. R.F. kennedy, C.S. Roy and M.L. Goldman) 19/
And of course we've already discussed on the blog the gendered structure of Tacitus' Germania, where the Germanic peoples are constructed (Tacitus never visited Germany) as ultra-masculine, indeed even excessively so, even the women. 20/acoup.blog/2020/02/07/col…
Instead, when the Romans go to describe what makes them unique, it sure isn't being super-masculine.

Cicero attributes Roman success not to numbers, strength or cunning, but superior Roman pietas (piety) and religio (religious scrupulousness), Cic. Har. 19. 21/
Roman diplomats don't extol the value of Roman virility, but rather are always "harping on the word fides" ('trust' 'faith' 'reliability') is in Diodorus 23.1.2. Fides as a core Roman value resounds from Livy; 'virilitas' does not. 22/
In short then, while my words were harsh, I stand by them: 'virilitas' was not a key idea in Roman thought (virtus was).

It is rather an uncommon word and putting it front and center suggests something crucial about Roman culture has been misunderstood. /end

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More from @BretDevereaux

Jun 4
The funny thing about Livy is that anyone who has actually read all of the Livy we have, instead of just the early legends (and had any sense), wouldn't make this statement - they'd be aware how uncertain Livy is early on and how different he is for periods where he has facts. 1/
So, background: Livy wrote his history of Rome (ab urbe condita or AUC) in 142 books, of which only 35 survive: books 1-10 (covering from Aeneas to 293 BC) and books 21-45 (covering 218-167).

Looking at those years, you should already notice some real changes in his approach!2/
Book 1 begins in the mythological past (c. 1184, the legendary date for the Fall of Troy) and zooms all the way through the legendary foundation of the city in 753 to the expulsion of the kings in 510.

Trimming the Aeneas bits, that's still 243 years. 3/
Read 25 tweets
May 28
A number of responses here are shocked, shocked! that I could say that Alexander was only great at killing, but if you challenge them to say what else he was great at...they mostly sputter.

So was Alexander great at things other than warfare and killing? 1/
Was he a great judge of people? Not really.

The best of his companions - Antipater, Parmenio, Eumenes, Antigonus, Craterus, Cleitus - were all handpicked...by Philip II, Alexander's father.

Alexander handpicked Harpalus, who stole the treasury, *twice.* 2/
Was he a 'philosopher king?' That's not the impression any of the sources give. There's a cottage industry of high-minded quotes for Alexander's last words, but our sources give them: asked who is empire should go, he responded "to the strongest."

Kill each other for it. 3/
Read 13 tweets
May 23
So this is going to go over RHG's head, but it's a useful point to make: how does a classicist go about digging deep what a word *means* in a given context, or what it might mean? Even to dispute a dictionary?

It turns out that we have an established method for this! 1/
You do, of course, at a minimum, have to read the language in question, so step 1 - of which RHG appears incapable or unwilling - is to spend some years learning the language in question (Greek or Latin).

Because this is a task you can only do in the original text. 2/
Because the classical corpus is relatively small, it's not uncommon that some question you are interested in might turn on exactly how you read a specific word or words in a text.

A technical legal term, a word you want to translate carefully, or one freighted with meaning. 3/
Read 25 tweets
May 23
There is an irony that I get accused of being 'woke' for defending the academic classics when the reason I am defending the academic classics is that I am conservative and I think the western tradition of wide-ranging open inquiry into the past is worth conserving.
I thought it was conservative to insist that expertise was important and people should do things like learn old, dead languages.

Apparently learning ancient and/or dead languages and becoming proficient with classical philology is now woke.
The funny part is the assumption I must do 'woke' scholarship, when my actual research is fundamentally about why the Romans were so good at war and trying to understand 'imperial success.'

(Admittedly, it is sometimes because they're really good at managing multiethnic groups).
Read 5 tweets
Feb 19
Since we're talking about the scale of Spartan power, I think it is worth putting the scale of Sparta's reach in perspective.

Sparta, after all, was never a world power at all. It was never even the strongest state in the Mediterranean - more of a middling regional power. 1/
The affairs of mainland Greece naturally loom large for our sources who lived there, just as one imagines a history of the world written from Nigeria (as a regional power) would feature a somewhat different roster of major players than one written in D.C., Brussels or Beijing. 2/
So let's put Sparta at the height of its power - 396 on the eve of the Corinthian War - into some perspective.

Is Sparta the preeminent state in the Mediterranean?

Not even close, that is very obviously the Achaemenid Persian Empire. 3/
Read 25 tweets
Feb 18
There's a lot here that is off but I want to focus on the specific claim that 'Sparta was the preeminent power in Greece for 200 years' which is wrong in the amateurish 'only knows the popular things about history' kind of way I've come to expect from this fellow.

A 🧵 1/
This sort of chronological slippage in discussing Sparta is common - our sources encourage it because the Spartans themselves encouraged it, which is why historians read our sources critically, comparing them with other sources of evidence, like archaeology or other reports. 2/
So while Plutarch openly admits he has no idea when Lycurgus lived and when the Spartan system was thus set up, folks will run with his out-of-hand guess of c. 800 and then assume a very long-lasting, stable Spartan system.

But the Spartan system can't actually be that old. 3/
Read 17 tweets

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