I guess we're doing this now too.

The issue with the original tweet is twofold: the first problem is of 'Latinity' - sure the Romans have a word, but how do they use it? Is it common? What are its most common uses?

The second is the failure to grasp Roman self-perception. 1/
So is 'virilitas' a common Latin word, the sort of word that might underpin some major Roman social value, strongly held belief in their culture?

No. As the Lewis&Short notes, it doesn't seem to be used at all in the Republic, so it's a late-appearing word. 2/
As for frequency, it is imperfect, but virilitas appears 14 times in the Perseus corpus (across 8 texts).

You may ask, "is that a lot?"

Well, let's compare. 'Virtus' - which also has the root meaning of 'manliness' - appears 8,734 times across 865 texts.

No, it is not a lot.3/
Alas, the TLL hasn't made it to 'v' or we'd have a more perfect comparison, but let me suggest that this is a very uncommon word. Most of the core Latin authors never use it at all.

Probably not a sort of core-value kind of word. 4/
How is it used? Well, the L&S notes 11 instances and here is the breakdown:
age of manhood (1)
fact of manhood (2)
male human genitalia (4)
male *animal* genitalia (2)
appropriate manly vigor (2).

So in pre-medieval Latin it mostly means 'penis' as a polite euphemism. 5/
What about the last two examples? One is Quintilian () for whom virilitas (and sanctitas) was a quality of old Latin poets as distinct from the poets of his own day, corrupted by the vices of luxury. 6/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
The other is a bit from Valerius Maximus () about how P. Scipio Nasica (this is Corculum, cos. 162, 155, not his son Serapio, cos 183) banned building a theater because he thought it was more appropriate for men to stand than sit taking in a play. 7/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
So it seems like you use 'virilitas' to describe things appropriate for men in contexts (poetry, theater) where the much stronger virtus with its strong martial connotations, would seem silly or frivolous. It's a circumlocution and an awkward one at that. 8/
Note what we don't have here: no long discourses on the value of virilitas or its importance.

Compare. Plaut. Amph. 646ff, "virtus is the greatest prize, virtus surely surpasses all things, it guards & preserves liberty, safety, life, property & parents, country & children..."9/
"...Virtus has everything in itself, someone with virtus has every good thing."

So from a basic question of Latinity - of using Latin the way the Romans used Latin - the word you wanted for a 'maximally desirable quality in a man' was virtus. 10/
Which then gets us to the second problem: the claim about Roman cultural values itself, that this is a "high testosterone civilization."

To be blunt, the Romans didn't seem to think so. 11/
So let's go back to virtus. It derives from Latin 'vir' ('man' as distinct from 'woman' or mere 'male' (=homo, hominis)) and so has this sense of 'manliness' but as any good Latinist well tell you more correctly means "courage, valor, excellence, drive." 12/
Virtus - as J.E. Lendon points out in Soldiers & Ghosts - *is* one of the core Roman values, one of the two great pillars (the other being disciplina) on which Roman military masculinity is built.

It was the qualities in someone that made them good at war. 13/
'Someone' because not only men have virtus!

Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi) has virtus (Juv. 6.166-9), Cicero's wife Terentia has virtus (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.1.1) as does his daughter (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.11 - summa virtute, no less! the utmost virtus!). 14/
So the actually important value, the one the Romans care about (again, virtus) isn't about 'testosterone' but about courage, energy and drive - and good Roman women can have it too.

Ok, but surely the Romans thought they were the manliest men in the world? Nope. 15/
Instead it is a classic element of Roman thought that the peoples to the north and west of them were excessively masculine, while the people to the south and east were insufficiently masculine, and Rome, of course, was 'just right.' 16/
e.g. Vitruvius 6.1.3-11, where people from northern (wet!damp) places supposedly have deep voices, great courage and energy, but are slow-witted, while people from southern (hot!dry) places are clever, quick-witted planners who lack courage and have high-pitched voices. 17/
And this is a quite common motif in Roman thought, e.g. Vitruvius, op. cit., but also Seneca De Ira 2.15, Pliny HN 2.79-80, Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 2.2 (where it is explicitly a gendered distinction), Vegetius De Re Militari 1.2. 18/
(Refs. quickly pulled from the excellent sourcebook on Race and Ethnicity in the Classical World (2013) ed.&trans. R.F. kennedy, C.S. Roy and M.L. Goldman) 19/
And of course we've already discussed on the blog the gendered structure of Tacitus' Germania, where the Germanic peoples are constructed (Tacitus never visited Germany) as ultra-masculine, indeed even excessively so, even the women. 20/acoup.blog/2020/02/07/col…
Instead, when the Romans go to describe what makes them unique, it sure isn't being super-masculine.

Cicero attributes Roman success not to numbers, strength or cunning, but superior Roman pietas (piety) and religio (religious scrupulousness), Cic. Har. 19. 21/
Roman diplomats don't extol the value of Roman virility, but rather are always "harping on the word fides" ('trust' 'faith' 'reliability') is in Diodorus 23.1.2. Fides as a core Roman value resounds from Livy; 'virilitas' does not. 22/
In short then, while my words were harsh, I stand by them: 'virilitas' was not a key idea in Roman thought (virtus was).

It is rather an uncommon word and putting it front and center suggests something crucial about Roman culture has been misunderstood. /end

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More from @BretDevereaux

Apr 9
There's an episode in Plutarch during the dictatorship of Julius Caesar, where Marcus Antonius (Antony) at a major Roman festival (the Lupercalia) offers Caesar a crown.

But the crowd isn't buying it: the cheer when Caesar refuses the crown. 1/
And Plutarch reports there was a bit of a pantomime, where Antony would offer the crown and the crowd would sulk, only the sycophants would cheer.

And then Caesar would refuse it, and the crowd would cheer loudly.

And again: offer and silence; refusal and cheers. 2/
It's not entirely clear what Caesar and Antony were playing at, but one imagines that this was a 'trial balloon' for monarchy, that the crowd was supposed, at some point to relent.

Someone had, Plutarch says, put crowns on Caesar's statues at the same time. 3/
Read 6 tweets
Mar 16
It's astounding to watch him bluster because of how clear it is that he's emoting with missiles rather than engaging in strategy.

'I'm angry, so I'm gonna toss $2m missiles into $500 hovels until you stop" without any sense of if that will actually make someone stop. 1/
Now it is fair to also fault Biden for engaging in a water-treading 'solution' of escorts and smaller-scale strikes against missile sites, but Hegseth is running blindly into the very constraints that produced that approach.

It is the blindness that is remarkable.
2/
Namely: there's to be no amount of airpower-induced pain that will compel the Houthis to stop, nor does bombing the Houthis put leverage on Iran to stop supplying missiles.

Which leaves two options: treading water, Biden-style, or "caring about the Yemeni civil war." 3/
Read 9 tweets
Feb 28
One of the things that made the Roman Republic's alliance system in Italy - upon which was built the lion's share of Rome's victories - so successful was that the Romans handled the system tactfully.

Part of the 'deal' of the system was 'we won't humiliate you.' 1/
The process of *becoming* a Roman 'ally' in the moment of conquest or submission, might involve humiliation (and a lot of violence), but after that, you were 'in the club' and Rome would tolerate no violence against you or humiliation of you. 2/
Whereas Greek diplomacy could be astoundingly blunt, what Polly Low terms the 'Language of Kratos' ('strength'), the Romans never call subject Italian communities subjects, or 'those ruled by us' the way the Greeks would.

Always, *always* 'allies' (socii). 3/
Read 5 tweets
Feb 23
Some people seem a bit confused so let's talk: what Great Man Theory is, why I think Silver is wandering into it and why it doesn't work.

The key thing here is fundamentally it is two propositions that come as a 'package deal' - reject either and it isn't Great Man Theory. 1/
When folks react with confusion at the rejection of Great Man Theory by historians, it is generally because they think it is just the first proposition, which we might put as, "historical events are often shaped by the decisions of key, powerful leaders." 2/
Now, actual Great Man Theory - in its original 19th century form (e.g. Thomas Carlyle and Johann Droysen; coining the term) - harden this position to insist that great changes in history are *always* *primarily* the result of the genius of a great man. 3/
Read 20 tweets
Feb 21
Ah, great man theory.

There's a reason most remotely competent historians abandon this model of reasoning by the end of their first year of graduate study.
Certainly history is sometimes influenced dramatically by highly capable people. Of course, hereditary monarchy being what it is, just as often key decisions are made by rulers who aren't very capable at all.

See, for instance, the July Crisis.
I suppose I would also note that 'high IQ' does not appear, to me, to be the only form that 'highly capable people' take. The compression of every virtue to intelligence obscures more than it clarifies.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 7
This was in response to the president-elect saying the use of military force to seize Panama or Greenland was on the table.

So let's talk briefly about why geopolitics and military force are not, in fact, analogous to poker. 1/
The first thing to understand is that war for modern states is always a net loss; *any* use of military force is losing, because warfare is so catastrophically expensive that no state can hope to gain enough to offset its costs.

So you are gambling over a *negative* pot. 2/
Every so often a state leader - Bush, Putin - forgets this, imagines they can war their way to a 'good' outcome rather than just a 'less bad' outcome and the result is catastrophe.

This has been true since 1914 and was recognized by theorists in the 1940s; it has not changed. 3/
Read 17 tweets

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