The issue with the original tweet is twofold: the first problem is of 'Latinity' - sure the Romans have a word, but how do they use it? Is it common? What are its most common uses?
The second is the failure to grasp Roman self-perception. 1/
So is 'virilitas' a common Latin word, the sort of word that might underpin some major Roman social value, strongly held belief in their culture?
No. As the Lewis&Short notes, it doesn't seem to be used at all in the Republic, so it's a late-appearing word. 2/
As for frequency, it is imperfect, but virilitas appears 14 times in the Perseus corpus (across 8 texts).
You may ask, "is that a lot?"
Well, let's compare. 'Virtus' - which also has the root meaning of 'manliness' - appears 8,734 times across 865 texts.
No, it is not a lot.3/
Alas, the TLL hasn't made it to 'v' or we'd have a more perfect comparison, but let me suggest that this is a very uncommon word. Most of the core Latin authors never use it at all.
Probably not a sort of core-value kind of word. 4/
How is it used? Well, the L&S notes 11 instances and here is the breakdown:
age of manhood (1)
fact of manhood (2)
male human genitalia (4)
male *animal* genitalia (2)
appropriate manly vigor (2).
So in pre-medieval Latin it mostly means 'penis' as a polite euphemism. 5/
What about the last two examples? One is Quintilian () for whom virilitas (and sanctitas) was a quality of old Latin poets as distinct from the poets of his own day, corrupted by the vices of luxury. 6/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
The other is a bit from Valerius Maximus () about how P. Scipio Nasica (this is Corculum, cos. 162, 155, not his son Serapio, cos 183) banned building a theater because he thought it was more appropriate for men to stand than sit taking in a play. 7/perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?do…
So it seems like you use 'virilitas' to describe things appropriate for men in contexts (poetry, theater) where the much stronger virtus with its strong martial connotations, would seem silly or frivolous. It's a circumlocution and an awkward one at that. 8/
Note what we don't have here: no long discourses on the value of virilitas or its importance.
Compare. Plaut. Amph. 646ff, "virtus is the greatest prize, virtus surely surpasses all things, it guards & preserves liberty, safety, life, property & parents, country & children..."9/
"...Virtus has everything in itself, someone with virtus has every good thing."
So from a basic question of Latinity - of using Latin the way the Romans used Latin - the word you wanted for a 'maximally desirable quality in a man' was virtus. 10/
Which then gets us to the second problem: the claim about Roman cultural values itself, that this is a "high testosterone civilization."
To be blunt, the Romans didn't seem to think so. 11/
So let's go back to virtus. It derives from Latin 'vir' ('man' as distinct from 'woman' or mere 'male' (=homo, hominis)) and so has this sense of 'manliness' but as any good Latinist well tell you more correctly means "courage, valor, excellence, drive." 12/
Virtus - as J.E. Lendon points out in Soldiers & Ghosts - *is* one of the core Roman values, one of the two great pillars (the other being disciplina) on which Roman military masculinity is built.
It was the qualities in someone that made them good at war. 13/
'Someone' because not only men have virtus!
Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi) has virtus (Juv. 6.166-9), Cicero's wife Terentia has virtus (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.1.1) as does his daughter (Cic. Ad. Fam. 14.11 - summa virtute, no less! the utmost virtus!). 14/
So the actually important value, the one the Romans care about (again, virtus) isn't about 'testosterone' but about courage, energy and drive - and good Roman women can have it too.
Ok, but surely the Romans thought they were the manliest men in the world? Nope. 15/
Instead it is a classic element of Roman thought that the peoples to the north and west of them were excessively masculine, while the people to the south and east were insufficiently masculine, and Rome, of course, was 'just right.' 16/
e.g. Vitruvius 6.1.3-11, where people from northern (wet!damp) places supposedly have deep voices, great courage and energy, but are slow-witted, while people from southern (hot!dry) places are clever, quick-witted planners who lack courage and have high-pitched voices. 17/
And this is a quite common motif in Roman thought, e.g. Vitruvius, op. cit., but also Seneca De Ira 2.15, Pliny HN 2.79-80, Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 2.2 (where it is explicitly a gendered distinction), Vegetius De Re Militari 1.2. 18/
(Refs. quickly pulled from the excellent sourcebook on Race and Ethnicity in the Classical World (2013) ed.&trans. R.F. kennedy, C.S. Roy and M.L. Goldman) 19/
And of course we've already discussed on the blog the gendered structure of Tacitus' Germania, where the Germanic peoples are constructed (Tacitus never visited Germany) as ultra-masculine, indeed even excessively so, even the women. 20/acoup.blog/2020/02/07/col…
Instead, when the Romans go to describe what makes them unique, it sure isn't being super-masculine.
Cicero attributes Roman success not to numbers, strength or cunning, but superior Roman pietas (piety) and religio (religious scrupulousness), Cic. Har. 19. 21/
Roman diplomats don't extol the value of Roman virility, but rather are always "harping on the word fides" ('trust' 'faith' 'reliability') is in Diodorus 23.1.2. Fides as a core Roman value resounds from Livy; 'virilitas' does not. 22/
In short then, while my words were harsh, I stand by them: 'virilitas' was not a key idea in Roman thought (virtus was).
It is rather an uncommon word and putting it front and center suggests something crucial about Roman culture has been misunderstood. /end
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This notion -the Romans had tiers of citizenship based on ethnicity- keeps coming up. I have no idea where from, but it is mostly wrong before 87 BC; entirely wrong afterwards.
Citizenship attached fully regardless of origin; Romans could be snobby bigots but their law was not.
Prior to the Social War (91-87) the Romans did have a category of citizenship sine suffragio ('without votes') which had all the legal rights of citizenship except voting and office holding, usually extended to allied communities in Italy with their own local officials. 2/
Sometimes that was extended as a reward ('here are all the benefits of citizenship, but you can keep your local government'), sometimes as a penalty ('we are extinguishing your polity but not giving you a full say in ours'), but it was community based, not ethnic. 3/
This is simply and obviously wrong in easily demonstrable ways, from the expansiveness of Roman citizenship to the incorporation of Persian elites under Alexander and the Seleucids (however poorly) to obvious things like the numbers of Scots in key posts in the British Empire.
One thing that white nationalists all seem to share is an absolutely astoundingly terrible grasp of history, unable to imagine the - again, quite obvious - fact that people in the past defined racial & ethnic boundaries differently than we do and that those boundaries were fluid.
There were, of course, ethnically exclusive polities in antiquity - the Greek polis is a good example.
They tended to be small, weak and tend to be overrun by more diverse polities (as the Greeks were by the Macedonians and then the Romans).
(Grok has also, unsurprisingly, parroted Musk's own catastrophic misunderstanding of the nature and purpose of Augustus' moral legislation - which was aimed at family's in Rome's tiny sub-2% elite, not at general population.
No surprise there.) 2/
On the point of the evidence - our demographic evidence from antiquity comes mostly from funerary inscriptions and, in Egypt (and really only there) fragmentary census reports.
Both systematically underreport young children, making it impossible to pin down a TFR. 3/
We're not quite to discussing labor in peasant households in my on-going series of pre-modern peasant lifestyles (keeping in mind peasants made up 90+% of the population pre-1750) but functionally all women worked, beginning very young and essentially never 'retiring.'
The core of that work was textile production (discussed here: ), but equally women typically handled childrearing and food preparation and were still expected to be in the fields during periods of peak labor demand (e.g. planting, harvest).acoup.blog/2021/03/05/col…
Worth answering 'on main' & cross-posting from The Good Place.
Victor Davis Hanson's work has been reappraised in 2 ways: the quality of his work substantially changed post-1998, but also the arguments of his early work experienced pushback, which he has largely not answered. 1/
Let's start with the early works, by which we mostly mean Warfare and Agriculture (1983; rev. 1998), Western Way of War (1989) and The Other Greeks (1995).
These, especially WWoW, made substantial impacts when they first appeared, set the 'orthodoxy' on hoplites in the 90s. 2/
Large parts of that WWoW model have come under significant scholarly pressure - @Roelkonijn can sing on this, for he is one of the chief critics here.
Critiques range from the mechanics of battle to the social underpinnings of hoplite warfare, and they're very substantial. 3/
('Enrichment' here is sorting out fissile u-235 (about 0.7% of naturally occurring uranium) from stable u-238 (the other ~99.3%)).
So it sure seems like if you were going to attempt a first-strike against a uranium enrichment program, you'd want to know where the uranium was.
My sense is this has always been one of the chief concerns for why 'deal' might be preferable over 'strike' - if you strike and miss, the uranium vanishes into the vastness of Iran until it reemerges as a successful nuclear test in 6 months, a year, two years.