These maps are interesting. Given the pre-existing differences between the East and West, however, we cannot simply "eyeball" the effects of the GDR regime, though some of the variation is likely causal.
Here are some of my favourite works that help us think carefully ... 1/11
about the GDR regime's effects.
1. I've pointed to this great paper so many times that I feel like a broken record, but this by @essobecker, @LukasMergele, and @Woessmann is essential reading 2/11
2. This by Kern and Hainmueller is an absolute classic and leverages the variation generated in large part by the topography of the valley of the unaware ("Tal der Ahnungslosen") around Dreseden.
3/11cambridge.org/core/journals/…
3. Bursztyn and Cantoni's paper use a similar identification strategy, but look at a different outcome, i.e. consumption, rather than attitudes.
4/11direct.mit.edu/rest/article-a…
4. Another great paper is this @JEEA_News piece by Lichter, Löffler, and @Sigginho. They use within-GDR differences in spying intensity to examine the effects on trust and, more broadly, social capital.
5/11academic.oup.com/jeea/article/1…
5. For non-German readers, let me note that imo Jens Gieseke's (@zzfpotsdam) history of the Stasi is unrivalled. English translation here
6/11amazon.co.uk/History-Stasi-…
Recently, a number of papers have come out that analyse the (i) process of privatisation (via the Treuhand) and (ii) effects of privatisation on economic and political outcomes.
6. This🧵and the related paper are absolute must-reads. 7/11
7. Then, there is this interesting working paper by @ufukakcigit and co-authors.
8/11nber.org/papers/w31645
8. This paper by @BachmannRudi et al. sheds light on the role of monopsony in creating productivity differences between East and West German firms.
9/11papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
9. On the political effects of privatisation, see the work by Hennicke, @anselmhager, @krause_we, and @LukasMergele
10/11osf.io/preprints/osf/…
10. @HansLueders has a new paper in @World_Pol, where he shows that the economic uncertainty associated with East Germany's democratisation has long-lasting effects, with East Germans responding more strongly to present economic uncertainty. 11/END
muse.jhu.edu/pub/1/article/…
Addendum: See this🧵of mine for some more general thoughts on the "workings" of autocracies:
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More from @edenhofer_jacob

Feb 3
🚨 New working paper! 🚨
@grattonecon and I just completed the first draft of "The Rise and Fall of Technocratic Democracies". Excited to present it in Munich this week—thanks to @LauraSeelkopf, @christoph_knill & others for hosting us! 🧵👇
▶️ Motivation
Many democracies have Image
have witnessed a process of "technocratization", with unelected technocrats having gained greater discretion over important realms of public policy (e.g. monetary policy). Populists explicitly oppose this narrowing of the purview of majoritarian policymaking, instead vowing to
return power to the "real people". Against this backdrop, we develop a formal model that allows us to study when democracies delegate policymaking to technocrats and why they may later reverse these decisions. We abstract from the expertise-related rationales for delegation,
Read 15 tweets
Jan 23
@KaiGehring1 Yes -- this argument depends on a number of assumptions, though, which are rarely spelt out:
1. Voters have a clear objective they want to see achieved (is -10% immigration enough? -50%?). If this is a moving target, then parties' will be pulled away ever more from the centre.
@KaiGehring1 2. Voters will actually realise that an "issue" has been solved. This rules out that populists can conjure up beliefs by exploiting misperceptions about immigration/immigration.
3. Voter will credit a government consisting of mainstream parties with this. The deeper the distrust,
@KaiGehring1 the less likely voters will be to credit the government, blunting parties incentive to meet their demand.
Explicating these conditions (and there're likely others) shows how difficult it's for this to work imo, not least given the economic cost of a restrictive immig policy
Read 4 tweets
Jan 6
Interessante Argumente, denen ich allerdings nur in Teilen zustimme. Bin aus folgenden Gründen skeptischer.
1. Die Kostenreduktionen bei den erneuerbaren Energien müssen auch vor dem Hintergrund des technologischen Fortschritts bei der Extraktion von Öl and Gas
gesehen werden -- insbesondere, weil die geopolitischen Anreize, die Extraktionskosten weiter zu reduzieren, beträchtlich sind. Das wird auch deutlich, wenn man sich vergegenwärtigt, dass die Öl- und Gas-Produktion unter Harris
academic.oup.com/isq/article-ab…Image
und Biden weiter zugenommen hat (vgl. diesen Artikel).
2. Hinzu kommt, dass die politischen Konsequenzen der „shale gas / oil“ Revolution, die die Kohle in einigen Regionen verdrängt hat, vor allem den Republikanern genutzt haben.
nevadacurrent.com/2024/09/10/und…
Read 13 tweets
Jan 3
Interessanter Artikel, den ich allerdings nur mäßig überzeugend finde.
Zunächst bin ich – anders als Zürn – skeptischer, was die „explanatory power“ der politikwissenschaftlichen Erklärungen für den Aufstieg der Rechtspopulisten betrifft.
Die Effektgrößen (meistens zwischen 1 bis 10 Prozentpunkten) der gut identifizierten Studien reichen eher nicht aus, um das "support level" zu erklären -- und die Studien, die zu "großen" Effekten kommen, sind empirisch wackelig sind. Das hat auch damit zu tun, dass es schwierig Image
ist, die kumulativen Effekte längerfristiger struktureller Trends empirisch sauber zu erfassen. Ich habe versucht, die Literatur hier zusammenzufassen.
Zum Kern des Artikels und der Frage, was genau damit gemeint ist, was genau damit gemeint ist, dass der dropbox.com/scl/fi/gho7vjo…
Read 12 tweets
Dec 17, 2024
Möchte dies zum Anlass nehmen, auf meinen Bsky-Post von vor ~2 Wochen zu verweisen. "Für mich ist das Attraktive an der liberalen Demokratie, dass sie eben auch mit ganz gewöhnlichen Menschen funktioniert – also Menschen, deren Motive meist eine
bsky.app/profile/jacobe… x.com/sabinedoering/…
ganze Menge Egoismus und ein Wenig Altruismus widerspiegeln und die kognitiv erhebliche Beschränkungen haben, weshalb sie Fehlwahrnehmungen und "inferential mistakes" aufsitzen. Das unterscheidet die liberale Demokratie von anderen Systemen, die – wenn überhaupt – nur
mit einem hohen „Heiligenanteil“ funktionieren. Nicht umsonst tun hartgesottene Marxisten den Einwand, dass der Marxismus im 20. Jhdt katastrophale Konsequenzen gezeitigt habe, mit dem Verweis ab, dass der „richtige Marxismus“ nie probiert worden sei. Für mich zeigt das nur,
Read 16 tweets
Dec 16, 2024
Here is my list.
1. “Special Interest Politics” by Grossman and Helpman
mitpress.mit.edu/9780262571678/… x.com/edenhofer_jaco…
2. “The Normalization of the Radical Right” by @ValentimVicente
academic.oup.com/book/57946
3. Gambetta’s “The Sicilian Mafia” hup.harvard.edu/books/97806748…
Read 13 tweets

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