THREAD: Speculation has started in earnest about what will happen this year to the tradition of classified intelligence briefings for the major party presidential candidates.
And a lot of what’s being said is wrong, or at least incomplete.
Here’s ground truth —>
1/12
Major-party POTUS candidates have been offered intel briefings during the campaign since 1952.
(Not to be confused with the heavy intel support presidents-elect get—including, since the President’s Daily Brief began in the mid 1960s, a copy of the outgoing POTUS’s PDB.)
2/12
The tradition began in 1952, when President Truman—reflecting on his sudden succession to the presidency in April 1945—offered classified briefings to both candidates (Dwight Eisenhower and Adlai Stevenson) seeking to succeed him.
No statute required it. Just a courtesy.
3/12
Every four years since then, the two major party nominees—and, most of the time, also their VP nominees—have been offered all-source assessments of global hotspots, almost always after the parties’ conventions.
They need not be classified, or offered at all. But they are.
4/12
Originally, the CIA provided the briefings. Since intelligence community reforms in 2004, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence has managed the process.
And it has worked; the vast majority of candidates have gladly taken one or more pre-election briefings.
5/12
These sit-down sessions with intelligence professionals stop well short of the President’s Daily Brief (PDB) and other top-tier finished intel products. But even without the PDB, these limited sessions for candidates serve multiple purposes.
6/12
First, per Truman’s vision, they give the nominees a robust overview of the national security landscape.
Candidates with deep foreign policy experience naturally get less out of these than candidates with scant previous exposure to international affairs.
7/12
Second, they help nominees avoid casually damage to U.S. interests during the campaign.
About his 1976 campaign briefings, President Carter said, “I wanted particularly not to make any inadvertent mistake that would complicate things for President Ford … or later for me.”
8/12
Third, these steadfastly neutral, apolitical sessions allow the intelligence community to show to both candidates the objectivity that characterizes its role in the U.S. national security enterprise, regardless of partisan considerations.
9/12
The CIA’s Center for the Study of Intelligence has published a free-to-all book about this history, updated through 2016 and available here:
And to place these sessions in the wider context of briefing classified information to presidents and presidents-elect, check out my book all about the PDB, its recipients, and its producers:
THREAD: Tonight in Fredericton, New Brunswick, at a public event about US presidents and intelligence, I got a question I hadn’t heard in hundreds of engagements on the topic:
“Who are the oddest people to ever show up in a PDB briefing?”
Buckle up. Strange things ahead.
1/9
Usually, for more than half a century, the President’s Daily Brief goes only to POTUS and a close circle of senior national security officials—like vice presidents, national security advisors, secretaries of state and defense, and folks one step removed.
Usually.
2/9
But it ain’t always that way.
The PDB was born in 1964, for Lyndon Johnson—and within a few short years, this most secretive document was going to, among others … Press Secretary Bill Moyers.
THREAD: My quick reactions to the U.S. intelligence community’s Annual Threat Testimony, released and briefed to the Senate Intelligence Committee today.
Some surprises, and some disappointments. Let’s go—
1/13
First, appreciate that this annual testimony from intel leaders has a rich history—described in this 2020 episode of the Lawfare Podcast that I hosted with former DNI Jim Clapper, former DCIA and DirNSA @GenMhayden, and former DD/FBI Andy McCabe:
I’m here to explain how Mark Meadows’s newly reported remark about presidents and the PDB is woefully wrong—and reveals why he never should’ve been chief of staff in the first place.
Grab a drink. Let’s take a PDB journey.
1/13
First, the remark. In her new book “Confidence Man,” @maggieNYT writes that during the transition Mark Meadows asked Ron Klein, “How many days a week is Vice President Biden gonna want this daily brief?”
After Klain said Biden wanted to be briefed every day—saying that was how Biden had done it as vice president—Meadows countered,
"No president ever does that. That’s never happened.”
[This is where your narrator takes a deep breath. And another one. And another one.]
Yes, the inventory lists empty folders with “CLASSIFIED” banners or marked "Return to Staff Secretary/Military Aide.”
This almost certainly doesn’t mean what you think.
Here’s a sanity check.
1/6
Classified documents, and most unclassified docs that are nevertheless sensitive, are usually carried between offices in places like the White House *in folders*.
Why? In large part, to keep prying eyes (or enterprising press photographers) from seeing them during transit.
2/6
So it is natural that boxes containing hundreds of classified/sensitive documents would also have the very folders that the docs had once been carried in and left in on a principal’s desk.
You need not list which folder each doc was in, if was in a folder at all when found.
3/6
Next one: “Getting To Know the President: Intelligence Briefings of Presidential Candidates,” by John Helgerson—an extraordinary window into how candidates and presidents-elect since the 1950s have interacted with intel.