Why have British sea-fronts gone from Tourism hotspots to Housing Benefit hotspots?
Take Blackpool - along the seafront there are over 6 private rented HB claims for every 10 households (of all tenures), with over £1 in every £3 in rent paid through housing benefit.
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This isn't constrained to seafronts, we also see disproportionately high private rental housing benefit claims in:
- The centres of post-industrial cities and towns
- And in the outer areas of 'core' cities, such as Manchester, Birmingham, London, Liverpool and Leeds.
Across England we're handing £9bn a year in housing benefit to private landlords.
In some areas, including some seaside and post-industrial cities and towns, but also Enfield and Brent, over £1 in every £3 of rent paid is paid through HB.
So what's going on??
Across these areas and core (and other) cities generally we've seen a large growth in the share of homes and households that are private rented/ers.
Though house and rental prices between post-industrial areas and core cities tend to be on opposite ends of the spectrum..
In costal towns and post-industrial areas high rates of HB claims are driven by strong push-pull factors:
- Weakening tourist industry in coastal areas means surplus housing, bought by landlords and rented out, with comparatively cheaper rents pulling in those on low-incomes..
- In post-industrial areas, the often smaller, poorer quality and less desirable homes in town centres are acquired by private landlords and let at lower rent levels pulling in those on low-incomes who often require housing benefit to help cover rent.
- But at the same time people on low-incomes are pushed away from more desirable and less affordable areas - including cities, where there is a higher demand for homes, and the shortage of homes (and - for these groups - shortage of social housing) is sharpest.
- But these coastal cities and post-industrial towns have much weaker labour markets, fewer jobs and much lower average wages - meaning many are unemployed or are 'economically inactive'
In core cities, the trend is reversed; with large numbers of typically younger adults renting typically smaller homes in more central parts of cities, often sharing - closer to jobs, amenities, etc.
And a 'ring' of housing benefits claims for private renters encircles the cities, with lower-income households pushed to the less unaffordable outer areas of these large cities - a phenomenon described by some academics as the 'suburbanisation' of poverty.
High rents in often more desirable city centres price out the lower income families, and push them to outer areas of these larger cities, a trend seen in Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Bristol, among others.
The trend is much less prevalent among other cities (University, Historic or Commuter) cities including York, Canterbury and Cambridge.
It's likely the sheer scarcity of homes means many low-income families who would like to live in these areas are simply priced out.
What's the upshot?
A very extractivist model of private landlordism has become increasingly prevalent across Britain in the last few decades.
The sector has expanded rapidly, and particularly in coastal and post-industrial towns / cities and other cities.
Too often it sucks up too much of low-income families earnings and public subsidy through housing benefit.
In return, low-income renters are stuck in often inadequate, poor quality homes - sometimes in dangerous condition.
In a report we've published today - we argue for intervention to take this on.
Step one needs to be higher standard and enforcement of standards in the Private Rented Sector
With greater protections for tenants - through the Renters Reform Bill
- We also desperately need to see an shift in gear in the development of homes - with more homes, particularly social homes, built. We particularly need to see these in places where there are job opportunities.
In our report we also argue for some homes to be brought into social ownership to make temporary accommodation cheaper, to drive up housing standards in lower-cost areas, including by growing the community rental sector.
We also want to see reform of Right to Buy - so that discounts are baked in and kept in the system, discounts are capped at 30%, and allowing councils to keep 100% of receipts.
Read more in our new @JRF_UK report from @DarrenBaxter with analysis from me:
National Audit Office report published today concludes homelessness in England at its highest level recorded (since 2000).
Identifies risk that expenditure on homelessness and temporary accommodation (TA) may bankrupt councils, as some spend up to half their net budgets on TA.
And as above map shows - a much higher share of households are housed in temporary accommodation across certain types of geography, typically larger cities and costal cities in particular.
It recognises the previous Government had no strategy or public targets for reducing statutory homelessness (in England).
Looking to the past we can see that with concerted effort can substantially reduce homelessness; we need a revival of this ambition.
Almost half a million homes in England are second homes owned by households in England - one home in every fifty.
The number owned as second homes has doubled since 2008-09, according to new data from Government⬇️
Primarily second homes are used as holiday homes or seen as a long-term investment.
Over half of households who have access to a second home live in London and the South East of England.
58% were aged over 55, and almost half (46%) were in the highest income quintile.
Census data shows us that in 2021 there were 1.5m unoccupied dwellings (which includes second residences, holiday homes, vacant homes and short-term residencies)
ONS maps show the geography of unoccupied dwellings. (Important to flag covid-caveats here)
You might think benefit levels are based on a logical, objective calculation of the cost of what families need.
You would be wrong - this has never been the case.
Rates are essentially arbitrarily set* and have been eroding in value (including relative to earnings as per graph)
*Current benefit levels are the result of a historical sequence of successive rate changes, each based on a range of considerations (previous years rate, inflation, welfare reforms, political assessment of affordability) - but never an objective measure based on need.
In fact, when we fall out of work for whatever reason - our benefits system is much less generous in substituting and supporting our income relative to avg. earnings than in other OECD countries!
Our social safety net is there for those unable to work or who fall out of work, and boosts income of those on the lowest earnings.
So why are as many as 41% of working-age adults (2.7m) on the lowest income (bottom 20%) not receiving any support?🧵
Universal Credit and its predecessors (JSA, tax credits) are passporting benefits that grant access to cost-of-living support payments.
It's important people are in receipt of the benefits they're entitled to, to ensure they also receive these vital support packages.
Our new analysis in a briefing by @KatieSchmuecker finds that as many as 41% of low-income (bottom 20% of household incomes) working-age adults, 2.7m people, aren’t receiving means-tested benefits.
Is the Housing Benefit bill out of control? In 1979 we spent £2.5bn on HB (2019 prices), today we spend £21bn.
Yet new research published today finds that, relative total 'housing costs', the value of all rental subsidies are much lower today than in the past.🧵⬇️
There's a consensus that we have a rental affordability crisis, with rents swallowing up 3x more of renters income than it did in 1979.
New research from @InstituteGC for JRF concludes the erosion of housing subsidies over four decades has been a critical driver of this crisis.
A thread of some of the analysis from authors @ianmulheirn@JamesBrowneRTC and Christos Tsoukalis in the new report we've published today.