Interesting paper and an insightful comment by @akoustov. Let me take this opportunity to summarise some of the (climate-focused) literature on elite cues. 1/n
First: Why do elite cues matter? Because, if they work, it means elites can sometimes impose their own agenda on the public – rather than being guided by public opinion in devoting their attention to certain issues.
Barberá et al. demonstrate the empirical importance ... 2/n Image
of elite cues using social media data.
Second: Who responds to elite cues? Here I'd like to summarise two recent studies. The first is by @CharlotteCavai1 and @AnjaNeundorf. They draw on and amend Zaller's theory of public opinion to develop ...
3/n cambridge.org/core/journals/…
Image
and test an intriguing argument as to who is most responsive to elite cues - in the context of New Labour's embrace of free-market economics (see 👇).
Zaller argues that those who pay the most attention to politics / are most interested in politics are most susceptible ...
4/n Image
to elite cues. The authors add the twist that this effect is moderated by material self-interest: when elite cues go against the latter, one is all else equal less susceptible to them.
Using panel data, they provide evidence in favour of these hypotheses. Those who ... 5/n Image
struggled financially, were less likely to follow the party grandees by adopting less redistributive attitudes / more pro-market attitudes.
Slothuus and Bisgaard's @AJPS_Editor paper shows that elite cues are not just a British thing, as it were.
6/nonlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.111…
They leverage the sudden change in the position of the Liberals / DPP in Denmark on unemployment benefits to tease out the effect of elite cues. They show that their supporters become significantly more likely to support these policies after parties change their position. 7/n Image
@mbarber83 and Pope's nice @PSRMJournal piece makes another important point: elite cues are weakest for issues about which respondents care a great deal. Put differently, elites have the most influence on issues where citizens have either weak ...
8/n cambridge.org/core/journals/…
Image
or unstructured preferences.
Finally: Do elite cues matter for climate policy? Merkley and @decustecu show that elite cues can affect climate scepticism. But the paper linked to above by @akoustov shows that changing beliefs about climate change ...
9/n cambridge.org/core/journals/…
Image
is quite different from changing policy preferences.
So where does that leave us? See👇for my summary. /END Image
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More from @edenhofer_jacob

Jun 30
🧵 @ChFlachsland and I posted the first draft of our Climate Politics Framework (CPF) paper—our attempt to provide a structured synthesis of the insights of modern social science into why ambitious climate mitigation is politically such a wicked problem, and under
what conditions it becomes feasible (see figure below). Critical feedback is warmly welcome.
The CPF’s central structure is: Fundamental problems → mass and elite politics → climate policy platforms → strategic challenges → mass/elite politics & GHG outcomes. Image
See below for the framework figure. Reading from left to right, let's start with the four fundamental problems of ambitious climate mitigation that we identify:
1. pervasive collective action failure (free-riding everywhere)
2. adverse distributional dynamics (concentrated Image
Read 22 tweets
Apr 17
Some thoughts on the strategic rationale behind the "Brandmauer” – the cordon sanitaire vis-à-vis the AfD – and the challenges associated with maintaining it. Seems pertinent, given that senior CDU/CSU figures regularly float the idea of ditching it and exploring avenues for
closer cooperation.
As for the strategic rationale, let me make two points.
1. I am sceptical that “Entzauberung” is a good strategy – betting on the AfD revealing itself as incompetent once in power *and* voters punishing the AfD for such incompetence.
First, the welfare
costs of such a strategy would be high -- something that we shouldn't lose sight of. Funke, @MSchularick, and @Ch_Trebesch have impressively documented this. The importance of their findings is reinforced by Bellodi et al. @SeanGailmard and Gailmard
aeaweb.org/articles/pdf/d…Image
Read 36 tweets
Feb 3
🚨 New working paper! 🚨
@grattonecon and I just completed the first draft of "The Rise and Fall of Technocratic Democracies". Excited to present it in Munich this week—thanks to @LauraSeelkopf, @christoph_knill & others for hosting us! 🧵👇
▶️ Motivation
Many democracies have Image
have witnessed a process of "technocratization", with unelected technocrats having gained greater discretion over important realms of public policy (e.g. monetary policy). Populists explicitly oppose this narrowing of the purview of majoritarian policymaking, instead vowing to
return power to the "real people". Against this backdrop, we develop a formal model that allows us to study when democracies delegate policymaking to technocrats and why they may later reverse these decisions. We abstract from the expertise-related rationales for delegation,
Read 15 tweets
Jan 23
@KaiGehring1 Yes -- this argument depends on a number of assumptions, though, which are rarely spelt out:
1. Voters have a clear objective they want to see achieved (is -10% immigration enough? -50%?). If this is a moving target, then parties' will be pulled away ever more from the centre.
@KaiGehring1 2. Voters will actually realise that an "issue" has been solved. This rules out that populists can conjure up beliefs by exploiting misperceptions about immigration/immigration.
3. Voter will credit a government consisting of mainstream parties with this. The deeper the distrust,
@KaiGehring1 the less likely voters will be to credit the government, blunting parties incentive to meet their demand.
Explicating these conditions (and there're likely others) shows how difficult it's for this to work imo, not least given the economic cost of a restrictive immig policy
Read 4 tweets
Jan 6
Interessante Argumente, denen ich allerdings nur in Teilen zustimme. Bin aus folgenden Gründen skeptischer.
1. Die Kostenreduktionen bei den erneuerbaren Energien müssen auch vor dem Hintergrund des technologischen Fortschritts bei der Extraktion von Öl and Gas
gesehen werden -- insbesondere, weil die geopolitischen Anreize, die Extraktionskosten weiter zu reduzieren, beträchtlich sind. Das wird auch deutlich, wenn man sich vergegenwärtigt, dass die Öl- und Gas-Produktion unter Harris
academic.oup.com/isq/article-ab…Image
und Biden weiter zugenommen hat (vgl. diesen Artikel).
2. Hinzu kommt, dass die politischen Konsequenzen der „shale gas / oil“ Revolution, die die Kohle in einigen Regionen verdrängt hat, vor allem den Republikanern genutzt haben.
nevadacurrent.com/2024/09/10/und…
Read 13 tweets
Jan 3
Interessanter Artikel, den ich allerdings nur mäßig überzeugend finde.
Zunächst bin ich – anders als Zürn – skeptischer, was die „explanatory power“ der politikwissenschaftlichen Erklärungen für den Aufstieg der Rechtspopulisten betrifft.
Die Effektgrößen (meistens zwischen 1 bis 10 Prozentpunkten) der gut identifizierten Studien reichen eher nicht aus, um das "support level" zu erklären -- und die Studien, die zu "großen" Effekten kommen, sind empirisch wackelig sind. Das hat auch damit zu tun, dass es schwierig Image
ist, die kumulativen Effekte längerfristiger struktureller Trends empirisch sauber zu erfassen. Ich habe versucht, die Literatur hier zusammenzufassen.
Zum Kern des Artikels und der Frage, was genau damit gemeint ist, was genau damit gemeint ist, dass der dropbox.com/scl/fi/gho7vjo…
Read 12 tweets

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