I addressed the Three Seas Summit, emphasising the urgent need to strengthen Ukrainian air defense—with real action, not just words.
To ensure that Russian missiles do not fly over Vilnius, Warsaw, or Chisinau, they should finally not fly over Odesa and Kharkiv.
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Last night, Russian terrorists struck again at Ukraine. It was a combined strike—missiles and Iranian attack drones with trajectories specifically designed to maximize damage to our critical infrastructure.
Russian strikes ranged from Kharkiv and Kyiv to Odesa and Lviv. One of the Russian terrorists' targets was close to the Polish border. Our rescuers, power engineers, and repair teams have been working throughout the day to eliminate the consequences of the attack.
This is already routine for our region—Russian strikes, such as this night’s, and our appeals to strengthen Ukrainian air defense. Missiles are striking every day, and every day we hear that Ukraine will receive new air defense systems.
Every day, Russian terrorists cut off power to Kharkiv and other cities, and every day we hear that new aid is coming soon. The reality must finally match the words, and Russian terror’s real losses must be ensured.
Just like Ukrainians expect decisions to support our defense, Putin sees not only his opportunity to continue this war, he sees more—this is a temptation for him to expand his aggression and to prepare the potential for geographically wider strikes.
All of Russia’s neighboring states and every nation whose lives may be within the range of Russian aircraft and missiles are in danger. Each of you can see how Russian propagandists are fueling hatred against your countries.
In Russia, they have already reached the point where they are even accusing Kazakhstan of their own criminal misconduct that led to the disaster with the dam breach and the flooding of a large area. They already consider Kazakhstan a potential enemy.
Russian-controlled hatred precedes Russia’s guided aerial bombs, missiles, and "Shahed" drones. Each of Russia's neighbors is a target, just like Ukraine. That is why we must multiply our joint efforts to ensure common security.
First, Russia's neighbors must make every effort on their borders and in communication with partners to block the supply of anything that can be used in military production to Putin. Chips, tools, raw materials, and technology. Cooperation with Russia must be toxic for everyone.
Second, advocating for assistance to Ukraine now means advocating for every country's own security in our region. I thank all of you who are in contact with other partners and are using all means of diplomacy, media, and political work to promote military aid for our soldiers.
Working with the US is fundamentally important. The alliance is being tested here—in defense against the existing manifestations of Russian terror. To ensure that Russian missiles are not over Vilnius, Warsaw, or Chisinau, they finally should not be over Odesa or Kharkiv.
Third, I thank all of you who have provided and are providing weapons to Ukraine. It really helps. Our joint defense projects with you also help, and we need to create as many defense industries as possible that will directly work for our common security.
The production of shells, guns, vehicles, and drones must grow significantly. We've created significant potential in our country. But it requires finance. Frozen Russian assets must finally be used to protect us from Russian terror, notably by supporting our defense and recovery.
Fourth, our unity. Please strengthen the unity in the EU. Moscow should feel that there is more unity in Europe than any contradictions. Of course, every society may have doubts about the decisions made in Brussels. But such doubts should not become Moscow's weapons.
Europe must carry out its treaties. Solidarity lanes that strengthen Europe must continue to work. We must increase the integration of our systems, including transportation. All contradictions in Europe must be resolved democratically and in negotiations between equals.
We must use the time we have to get closer to each other without losing a single day, let alone a month. Now, in June, it will be right to actually start negotiations on Ukraine's EU accession.
June will be important for the Peace Formula. I invite all of you to the first Global Peace Summit. Peace requires not only attendance but also support in engaging world leaders. Please use all your connections and influence to help the global majority bring just peace closer.
Fifth, NATO shouldn't be afraid of its own existence or rules. The Baltic Sea has a historic chance for reliable security with Finland and Sweden in NATO. The Black Sea needs the same. As a democratic nation committed to shared values, Ukraine deserves to be invited to join NATO.
We are grateful to every state for bilateral security agreements that support us in the time before we join NATO. Today we have signed the ninth such agreement with Latvia. And I urge all the leaders of the Three Seas Initiative to sign such agreements with Ukraine.
We must work on strategic tasks. Putin wants to destroy Ukraine and the freedom of all of our region's nations. He sees no alternative. Similarly, we should not look for alternatives to our security; Ukraine needs an invitation to join NATO. Only you can make it real this year.
Without our Ukrainian strength, the strength of the whole Europe will not be complete, and together, gradually integrating, we can really protect each other from Russian revanchism.
Dear friends, this year should be the time to take all the necessary steps to make our victory over Russian terror real. It is possible. But it is possible only if we are united—you, us, and all our partners—and if reality corresponds to our statements and agreements.
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First. Two years ago, Ukrainians proved that Russian defeats are not a fantasy, but a simple reality that can be ensured.
We need to be clear about our common European goal now. It is the same as it was from the start.
Putin's system must lose in its war against Ukraine.
This is Russia’s war not only against Ukraine, but against all of us, against your countries as well, against our entire Europe and the European way of life. Putin is trying to expand the opposite system – the opposite of the European system.
At the third Summit for Democracy, I emphasized that the world is now betting more on force than rules.
Force and rules, however, are not mutually exclusive. Rules must be enforced. Force must be limited by rules.
Ukraine's Peace Formula proposes a balance between the two.
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Ukraine does not divide the world into big and small countries, or those who matter more or less. We despise the colonial worldview that divides nations into zones of influence for "great powers" or geopolitical poles. Every nation matters.
When we seek a just resolution to Russia's illegal war against our people, we want to give every nation confidence that its security will be inviolable. This will be true if we end the war on the terms of the attacked nation rather than those of the aggressor. This will be fair.
At the Ukraine-South-East Europe Summit, I stressed that there must be no Europe of “different dignities"—when someone deserves security and peace while someone else’s struggle for peace is ignored; someone deserves integration while someone else has to stay behind and wait. 🧵
I thank Prime Minister Rama for his personal and Albania’s support for Ukraine. Thank you for organizing this summit. Mr. Prime Minister, I highly appreciate your hospitality and this opportunity to discuss together how we can strengthen our countries, regions, and entire Europe.
Everyone understands that now is the time when the path of Europe is being determined for at least several generations. We all want Europe to be a space where every nation determines its own destiny.
In my speech at the Munich Security Conference, I warned of the catastrophic threats that the Russian regime poses to Europe and the world, not just Ukraine, and outlined collective steps to counter them, preserve the rules-based order, and make security a reality again.
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February 24, 2022, could have marked the end of the world as we all know it. A world of rules meant to protect life. Our resistance, with the support of partners, has put on hold the destruction of this rules-based world order. 2024 must become a time for its full restoration.
It is not the rules that define the world’s life that should remain in the past, but rather, a Russia that doesn’t respect the rules should remain in the past. And we can ensure this. Not just by doing something. But by doing everything necessary.
Today, I addressed the European Council summit as decisions on the Ukraine Assistance Fund and Ukraine Facility were being debated.
I thanked EU leaders for previous critical decisions and advocated for continued European unity and strength in the face of global competition.
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At the previous #EUCO, Europe's credibility was at stake. We strengthened it.
The EU has proven: its word matters; its promises work for all of Europe.
The opening of Ukraine's EU accession talks proved that Europe's priorities, as defined by all of its leaders, are being met.
Europe needs such a policy this year and every year. The world should see Europe's growing strength and consistent effectiveness. Europeans must be constantly reassured that the EU is effective. Every European nation should believe that being part of the community strengthens it.
In my speech at the World Economic Forum today, I addressed three frequently asked and important questions: When will Russia’s war against Ukraine end? Is the Third World War possible? Is it time to negotiate with Putin?
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Nearly 2 years of full-scale war in Europe, 10 years since Russia's illegal annexation of our Crimea, 10 years of Russian interference in African countries ranging from Sudan to Mali, and almost 13 years of Syrian war, which is still raging as a result of Putin's actions.
Putin has stolen at least 13 years of peace, replacing it with pain and crises affecting the entire world. He is trying to normalize what should have ended in the 20th century: mass deportations, cities and villages razed to the ground, and the feeling that the war may never end.