Notice the vagueness throughout the OP. Those who advance this claim (against the weight of the evidence) never bother to explain the mechanics of how poverty, unemployment or educational inequities cause a man to stab a teenage girl to death because she rejected his advances.
Here you have a literal millionaire gangster who live-streamed himself shooting an unarmed man at point blank range over nothing. Why didn’t his immense wealth stop this shooting from happening?
Consider also this case of another millionaire who killed a guy over a $1,200 drug debt. Why? Not because he was poor. It was, according to a key witness in the case, “the principle.” pennlive.com/crime/2023/05/…
And how does this claim (“poverty, etc. causes crime”) explain the many crimes committed the Bernie Madoffs, Jordan Belforts, Eliot Spitzers, etc.? They don’t say.
The reality is that the relationship between crime—esp. violent crime—doesn’t run in the direction these folks claim. Are many offenders poor, undereducated, and underemployed? Yes. But they never consider that these things are outcomes associated w/ antisocial dispositions.
Then there’s the lack of relationship between crime measures and socioeconomic indicators at a macro level. E.g., in 1990, NYC had 2,262 homicides. By 2017, that number was down to 292. Did NYC solve poverty? No. NYC’s poverty rate in 1989: 18.8%. In 2016: 19.5%.
Did violent crime rise during the Great Recession? Nope. Between 2006–2009, NYC’s unemployment rate for working age black men jumped from 9% to 17.9%. NYC homicides fell from 596–471 over that period.
Nationally, the homicide rate dipped 15% between 2007-2010, despite the unemployment rate doubling. And between 1980–2016, income inequality rose by 20%; but the violent crime rate declined from 593.5 per 100k to 386.3 per 100k.
NOT what you’d expect if poverty, etc. ➡️ crime.
Then there’s the “Crime/Adversity Mismatch” problem articulated by Barry Latzer, which shows that there exist massive disparities in group offending rates between groups with similar levels of socioeconomic status.
Then there’s the within-group changes in both socioeconomic status and criminal perpetration over time, which are also incongruent with the theory posited in the OP. See, e.g. screenshotted excerpt from my book 👇🏽
The only reliable short-to-intermediate-term solution to crime, as Barry Latzer and I argue in the piece below, is NOT attempting to solve society’s most intractable problems (poverty, inequality, etc.), but rather to responsibly enforce the law: city-journal.org/article/the-en…
As for the half-hearted “systemic racism” claim advanced by Mr. Trone, understand that it is a claim with many holes. The biggest of them is that the claim’s singular focus on disparities in *enforcement,* as if enforcement measures are the system’s only outputs. They’re not.
What Trone and others don’t realize is that there are very stark disparities in violent victimization (see below). These disparities tell us not only who suffers the brunt of the violence problem, but also who stands to gain the most from violent crime reductions.
The undeniable reality is that policing reduces crime (see trove of evidence in thread below). So does incarceration.
Both policing and incarceration combined to produce a big chunk of the 1990s homicide decline. And how were the benefits of that decline distributed demographically? 🤔
So here’s the $6M question: Why would a “racist” system so disproportionately *benefit* the group Trone says the system discriminates against?
//end rant//
Relationship between crime *and poverty, etc.* (pardon the typo)
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🧵I’ll never understand why the disparities in this table don’t animate the “progressives” nearly as much as those in, say, arrests or incarceration. Maybe it’s that the disparities pictured below largely explain the enforcement disparities that have proven so politically potent.
But here are some things to remember: Policing—particularly proactive policing in the crime hot-spots where these homicides tend to happen—reduces homicides. So does the incarceration of repeat offenders (who drive the bulk of America’s gun violence problem).
Given the unequal distribution of homicide victimization risk, it’s impossible to get around the reality that, to the extent policing and incarceration reduce criminal gun violence, both things disproportionately *benefit* the black community.
⬇️This⬇️ by @radleybalko is by far one of the worst pieces of crime-related journalism I’ve seen in a while. The article’s upshot? A bunch of cops quit in a very low-crime community and crime didn’t spike. So yeah, we can probably depolice.
I know… yikes. nytimes.com/2023/07/02/opi…
That something like this makes it into the New York Times is frustrating because, well, the author’s suggestion is belied by a very large body of research. Perhaps an editor found this hard to ignore because, five paragraphs in, Balko begrudgingly includes this line.
But Balko’s admission (“some academic studies… correlate”) is still misleading. In fact, the existing body of empirical evidence—including and especially *causal* analyses of the highest quality (e.g., randomized control trials)—overwhelmingly proves more policing ➡️ less crime.
I’m not sure where this assertion comes from; but there’s a clear trend toward decarceration and depolicing in many parts of the country struggling with serious violent crime.
Nationally, the prison population had declined by 25% since 2009 (as of EOY 2020). On the policing front, we went from seeing 13M+ arrests in a year in 2010 to just over 10M in 2019. It’s worth noting these changes (and their effects) are not evenly distributed. Neither is crime.
The literature is pretty clear on a few things that matter a great deal to this debate: 1. Policing reduces crime. 2. Prisoners are dangerous
Chris—Appreciate the shoutout! I'd be more than happy to talk more about the evidence supporting the idea that crime is making some folks hesitant about returning to the office. In the meantime, here are a few things to consider on this point…
For starters, polling data show a sharp decline in the share of New Yorkers that feel safe on the subways, which is how quite a lot of commuters got to work back when Manhattan offices were full during the day: poll.qu.edu/images/polling…
This is probably why an extremely large majority supports having more police in the subway system. The question for policymakers is: Is it really just a coincidence that subway ridership remains so far below pre-pandemic levels?
We took our son to watch @sesamestreet Live at @TheGarden tonight, and we were appalled by the scene outside the venue along 7th Avenue. Leaning addicts and other stone-faced characters (dealers?) blasting explitive-ridden rap from Bluetooth speakers cluttered the sidewalk… 1/
On our way out, a loud drunk who seemed to be homeless was yelling obscenities. Outside the parking lot (I didn’t dare take a stroller on the subway at night) a few blocks away, a young homeless guy who seemed to be high walked right up alongside our stroller asking for cash. 2/
My wife—who’s heard me go on and on about the city’s growing crime and disorder problem—said she couldn’t believe how bad things had actually gotten, and didn’t feel safe the entire time we were outside. *In Midtown!* 3/
No. Proceeding as if group disparities in rates of serious misbehavior are a function of things outside of the control of the group in question is to suggest that something is wrong with them. Telling someone that they can exercise agency to make better choices is empowering.
In 2019, for example, the percentage of black high school students reporting having been in at least one fight on school property in the prior year was more than twice as high as it was for white students. nces.ed.gov/pubs2021/20210… (see Figure 6).
Gang presence at school, for another example, was also reported by a much larger percentage of black and Hispanic students than white and Asian students. nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/i…