It seems that thereโs plenty of confusion surrounding the situation of Manchester Cityโs 115 charges for breaching Premier League rules and how it relates to their prior case with Uefa and CAS. Yet thereโs not much out there in the mainstream media explaining it in that much detail.
As such, I thought it might be helpful to provide a rough summary answering some of the most common questions about it all.
Note: since I drafted all this, the BBC has released a similar version of FAQs about the case which can be found here:
The below also has some information that the BBC did not elaborate upon though.
Following an investigation by the Premier League, Man City has been charged with 115 counts of breaching Premier League rules:
- 54 counts of failing to provide accurate financial information
- 14 failures to provide accurate details for player and manager payments
- 5 failures to comply with Uefa rules including FFP
- 7 breaches of Premier League PSR rules
- 35 failures to co-operate with Premier League investigations
In November 2018, German Publication โDer Spiegelโ released a story about how Man City had been subverting Profit and Sustainability Rules (PSR) and Financial Fair Play (FFP) rules. These rules, introduced in Uefa competitions in 2011/12 and the Premier League in 2012/13, prevented clubs from undertaking unlimited spending using debt or owner funds (known as equity). Instead, clubs were required to spend what they โearnedโ such as from matchday revenue, broadcast revenue or commercial deals, such as sponsorships.
The storyโs source was a cache of leaked emails that Der Spiegel had obtained between Man City executives, including the Chief Executive Office (CEO) and Chief Financial Officer (CFO).
The emails, which are numerous and took place over many years, go into precise detail about how Man City sought to subvert FFP rules by disguising equity payments from the owner as sponsorship revenue, by channelling the funds through their sponsorsโ accounts.
This formed the initial basis of investigations by Uefa and the Premier League. The accusation is that by disguising equity payments as sponsorship revenues, they would have subsequently misreported their financial accounts, hence the charges of failing to provide accurate financial information.
Uefa estimated that at least ยฃ204million of equity payments were disguised as sponsorship revenues which would also result in substantial breaches to PSR and FFP rules.
Subsequently, there were further reports that Man City paid players and managers โoff the booksโ, resulting in charges for failing to provide accurate details for player and manager payments, which would also have knock on effects for the above charges as well.
Man City didnโt officially confirm or deny the authenticity of the emails during the Uefa investigation. However, Man City eventually released their own โoriginal versionsโ of some of the emails during one of the hearings.
The original versions of those emails matched the equivalent contents of the leaked emails. A few of the emails submitted by Man City as โoriginalsโ have been attached to this tweet.
The nature of the accusation is complex and the Premier League lacks broad powers of investigation because it is not a Government body. It relies on its members to co-operate with investigations and provide the information that they request.
Man City sought to challenge the investigation over many years in the UK Courts of Law, thereby delaying the investigation and subsequent prosecution.bbc.co.uk/sport/footballโฆ
It is Man Cityโs legal right to challenge contracts and their application in the UK Court of Law and this is what they have with the Premier League - a legally binding contract in the form of the Premier League Rule Book contained within its Handbook. It is this contract that provides the Premier League with its powers to investigate.
However, some of these actions may also be considered breach of contract depending on their legitimacy. That is probably why Man City has been charged with 35 counts of failing to comply with the investigation.
Man City were charged and adjudicated by Uefa for similar but not identical offences. However, the basis for Uefaโs investigation and charges originated from the same source - the leaked emails published in Der Spiegel.
Uefa found Man City guilty and applied a number of sanctions, including expulsion from the Champions League.
Man City appealed the verdict to CAS (the Court of Arbitration for Sport).
CAS decided that the charges relating to failure to provide accurate financial information and resulting breaches in FFP were not proven and as such, overturned Uefaโs sanction to ban Man City from the Champions League.
CAS decided that Uefa were within their rights to investigate Man City and that Man City substantially failed to comply with the investigation and gave them a fine for these offences.
The fully published decision by CAS (which also contains the email evidence they used) can be found here:
Firstly, the Premier League will have separate evidence to Uefa. Their investigation ran for longer and incorporated matters that neither Uefa nor CAS considered.
Secondly, there are some different charges that must be addressed; such as the charges for failure to provide accurate details for player and manager payments.
Thirdly, because the rules are different. Uefa and the Premier League have different rules meaning differences in offences and how they are adjudicated.
Fourthly, because there were significant issues with the CAS decision that the Premier League were potentially uncomfortable with and felt still required addressing - more detail on that is provided below.
Lastly, because they are obligated to. The Premier League has a contractual obligation to maintain the sporting integrity of the competition by ensuring its rules are adhered to and if there are breaches of those rules, that they result in suitable sanctions. The obligation extends to all of its members.tas-cas.org/fileadmin/userโฆ
The first is around required standard of evidence.
CAS decided that just because there were multiple emails, over a number of years, between Man City top executives, including its CEO and CFO, outlining in precise detail how they sought to subvert FFP by channelling owner equity payments through sponsors, along with corresponding schedules of payments from those sponsors matching Man Cityโs accounts; that this did not constitute sufficient evidence to prove that such events actually took place.
CAS insisted that the evidence they would require in order to be satisfied that such an action took place would be the accounts and bank statements of the owner and the sponsors, showing the money from the owner entering the sponsorsโ accounts.
There are two rather concerning implications of such a required standard.
The first is that it would in effect, make FFP impossible to enforce. Uefa does not have the power to demand such information and as such, this establishes a tactic for any club to break FFP without ever being sanctioned.
The second is that it never addressed why Man City execs would write such emails. What plausible rationale could there be for them to write in such precise detail, instructions for subverting FFP over years, if this were not in fact happening? CAS never addressed this.
The second major issue is regarding offences and evidence that were excluded by CAS.
Uefa has a 5-year โstatute of limitationsโ relating to certain offences, effectively time-barring them from being prosecuted more than 5 years after they occur. Uefa ignored this statute when investigating and prosecuting Man City. Uefaโs rationale for ignoring the statue was since they accused Man City of hiding their offences and delaying the investigation, this resulted in a heavily delayed prosecution, pushing it past the time limit. CASโs interpretation of Uefaโs rules was that the statute of limitations must still apply.
The implication of this was that certain offences were dismissed but more importantly, certain pieces of evidence were excluded too. Any pieces of evidence obtained by Uefa that arose as a result of the investigation for time-barred offences were then excluded by CAS. This included some very important pieces of evidence to Uefaโs case.
The last major issue is regarding potential conflicts of interest and subsequently, concerns around lack of independence.
Standard practice for a CAS tribunal is that each party, Man City and Uefa, get to select one arbitrator, who must be independent and suitably qualified. Then the third arbitarator, the chairman, is selected by CASโs own appeals arbitration division.
The UK newspaper, the Guardian, reported that there were questions regarding the independence of the arbitrator selected by Man City because there were potential conflicts of interest at play. The arbitrator selected by Man City was a partner in the law firm White and Case whose clients included two of the sponsors accused of helping Man City disguise equity payments as sponsorship revenue.
Also, when it came to the appointment of the chairman, the Guardian reported that there was a deviation in standard procedure. Instead of CASโs own appeals arbitration division independently selecting the chairman, Man City recommended the candidate that CAS then selected. It should be noted that Uefa did not object to the Chairman.
There are several reasons why this case is different from the previous case that was adjudicated by CAS:
- Firstly, the case will be heard by an Independent Commission that will be subject to English Law and not Swiss Law. This will result in a different process of evidentiary review and possibly a different standard of evidence required. It also seems likely that the Commission will not allow the question of why Man City execs wrote those emails to go unanswered.
- Unlike Uefa, the Premier League has no statute of limitations time-barring offences or evidence - the offences and associated evidence that CAS refused to consider in their decision, some of which appears very damning, can be considered by the Independnet Commission in its decision.
- The Commission will be made up of independent parties, not selected or proposed by Man City or the Premier League. As such, there should be no issues relating to conflicts of interest or independence.
All of these reasons mean that the above issues relating to the CAS decision above should not apply here.
Also, there are two further differences at play:
- As mentioned previously, the Premier League is applying more and different charges than Uefa did in relation to failures to provide accurate details for player and manager payments, as well as different charges for failure to co-operate with the investigation given it was a completely different investigation undertaken.
- This would also suggest that the Premier League has additional evidence that Uefa did not possess.
No, that option is not open to them. The Premier League contract does not permit appeals to CAS and the Independent Commission process is considered final.
Itโs impossible to know what sanctions the Independent Commission will decide upon. It will depend which charges Man City are convicted of and how the Commission assesses their severity.
Many sanctions are open to the Commission ranging from warnings, to fines, to points deductions, relegation, stripping of prior honours and even permanent expulsion from the Premier League.
Other clubs have fallen foul of FFP and PSR previously and received single digit points deductions or merely fines. However, it is worth noting that this case is substantially more severe than those charged against any other club previously.
The accusation is that Man City did not just breach FFPโฆ but that they purposefully hid an enormous breach which completely distorted the sporting integrity of the competition and then, that they refused to comply with the contractually required process of investigation and sanction needed to ensure such sporting integrity can be maintained.
These are enormous charges because if proved, it not only renders previous seasons and honours of the Premier League as tainted but itโs also heavily damaging to the brand and subsequent desirability of the Premier League as an entertainment product. What is the point of watching a sport that has been fixed?
As such, if the charges are proven, itโs far more likely that the sanctions will be extremely severe.
An impossible question to answer with any certainty.
It could well come down to what standard of proof is applied.
In UK Law, criminal cases have a high bar for finding someone guilty - they must be found guilty beyond a reasonable doubt - whereas civil cases have a much lower bar of what is most likely to have occured based on the balance of probabilities.
e.g., Based on the evidence, does the Commission believe it is more likely that the owner channelled funds through the sponsors than not?
If this bar is applied, which seems likely given the nature of the proceeding, then the emails in question certainly seem like sufficient evidence to hold such a belief.
No plausible explanation has ever been provided for why else those emails would exist.
Again, this is not known. The rumoured timeline is Summer 2025. This is because the hearings will likely run for many months due to the volume and complexity of the charges and associated evidence.
๐งต6/6
Last of this thread just to say that in the coming weeks I will publish 2 more threads on this topic.
1) A summary of what was in the hacked emails released by Der Spiegel, simplified so they can be understood by all (highlighting which emails have been verified by Man City as genuine)
And
2) A full dissection of the CAS judgement, analysing the contentious majority decisions, their flaws and their potential implications
โข โข โข
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Thereโs a story today that an amendment has been proposed to the Football Regulator bill (currently going through the House of Lords) which would ban state-ownership of football clubs.
I doubt it will pass Parliament.
But even so, a lot of push-back this morning saying that this would not apply to Man City because they are not state-owned.
๐
The assertion from the club has always been that Man City is a private endeavour of Sheikh Mansour, Vice President of the UAE and brother to its ruler, MBZ.
I do not know the current ownership structure of Man City. They tweaked it after the Football Leaks. But before 2019, Man City was most certainly state-run. Mansour was just a front-man.
How do we know this? From the Football Leaks.
Prior to 2019, Man City was owned by a company called Abu Dhabi United Group (ADUG), supposedly owned by Mansour in a private capacity with no connection to the UAE as a state.
The state of UAE has a Government Department known as the EAA, the Executive Affairs Authority.
You can see that on their own webpage (screenshot attached).
So itโs not Mansourโs private office. But the Government Department that functions to exclusively serve the ruler of the UAE, MBZ.
And it was ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐๐๐ ๐๐ต๐ฎ๐ ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐ป ๐ ๐ฎ๐ป ๐๐ถ๐๐โฆ
First, itโs worth noting that:
The Chairman of Man City, Khaldoon, is also the Chairman of the EAA and key advisor to MBZ.
A Board Director of Man City, Simon Pearce, is also a Director of the EAA and key advisor to MBZ.
Simon Pearce is also front and centre of the allegations that Man City breached the Premier Leagueโs PSR.
Well, here is an email from Pearce CCing Man Cityโs CEO, stating very clearly that Omar Awad, an employee of the EAA, is โvery important and helpful in facilitating the financial administration of Cityโ.
So a Board Member of Man City has stated that an EAA employee handles Cityโs finances.
Here is an email chain that begins with Man Cityโs CFO Jorge Chumillas asking Simon Pearce to arrange off-the-books payments for agentsโ commissions by ADUG (relating to the acquisition of Negredo).
Pearce asks Omar Awad to pay them and he does, confirming that Khaldoon authorised the payments.
More evidence that EAA handles ADUG payments on Cityโs behalf.
People asked for an explainer on this document, so here it is!
Itโs an internal Man City document covering owner funding into the club, created in May 2012.
It shows historic funding and projected funding for future years.
This came from the Football Leaks cache (part of the 5.5m documents hacked from Man Cityโs servers).
We know itโs real and it was not used as evidence at CAS (more on that later).
๐๐ ๐๐ต๐ผ๐๐ ๐ ๐ฎ๐ป ๐๐ถ๐๐ ๐ฑ๐ถ๐ฑ ๐๐ต๐ฎ๐ ๐๐ต๐ฒ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ฒ ๐ฎ๐ฐ๐ฐ๐๐๐ฒ๐ฑ ๐ผ๐ณ ๐ฏ๐ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ฃ๐ฟ๐ฒ๐บ๐ถ๐ฒ๐ฟ ๐๐ฒ๐ฎ๐ด๐๐ฒ (PL). i.e., used sponsors to disguise owner funds being injected into the club in order to subvert PSR. More on that in a bit
But firstโฆ.
๐พ๐ค๐ฃ๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ฉ
First off, some basics re. company finance and PSR. (will aim keep it as simple as possible)
Football clubs, like any company, need cash to run their operations. If they run out of cash, they canโt pay their bills.
Companies primarily get cash from two sources:
1., Income / profits.
In a football club, this could be Broadcast (TV) revenue, Matchday income, Commercial deals (e.g., Sponsorship), Merchandise, Investment income, Profit on player sales, etc.
2., Capital (aka โfundingโ). This is debt or equity.
Debt can be from a third party (like a bank) or from shareholders (owners) and is normally in the form of a loan.
Equity is when shareholders (owners) give the company money for more shares.
If an owner pumps in ยฃ1bn of capital with a loan or equity, the club could spend this on players. But then its costs go up (transfers, wages) whilst its income has not been increased. So PSR gets harder to clear.
PSR effectively stops clubs from spending as much as they like with ownersโ cash whilst making losses.
As a side note, the furore around shareholder loans being exempt from PSR calculations is thisโฆ
If an owner gave a club ยฃ100m as a shareholder loan with an interest rate of 1% (ยฃ1m a year)โฆ but had they taken out a loan from a bank it would be 3% (ยฃ3m a year)โฆ then they are ยฃ2m (3-1) better off in comparison thanks to their owner.
Interest charges are part of the PSR calculations. So their PSR calculation would be ยฃ2m a year worse off it they had a commercial loan instead of a shareholder loan.
Alternatively, if the owner gave it all in equity rather than a loan, then there is no interest charge at all! And their PSR calculation would have been ยฃ3m a year better off than if they had funded with a commercial loan.
Man Cityโs owners were giving the club hundreds of millions in equity to fund massive player purchases until PSR came into force.
They wanted to keep injecting the club with cash but didnโt want to breach PSR and suffer the consequences.
Itโs a โSummary of Owner Investmentโ into the club as of May 2012.
Page 1 (first page after the cover page) shows capital invested into the club season by season, from 2008/09 through to 2014/15.
The first 4 years are โactualsโ (known, historical data of actual amounts funded). The last 3 columns are projected amounts (i.e., forecasts of what will be needed).
The funding is split into 3 types:
-Direct equity (i.e., money given by the owner to the club for shares)
-Abu Dhabi Partner funding (i.e., money given by the owner to โAbu Dhabi Partnersโ for them to give to the club - more on this in a bit)
-Funding for Academy (which is likely to be separated because any money spent on Academies is exempt from PSR calculations)
The chart shows Man Cityโs owner pumping in more than ยฃ440m of Direct Equity in the first 2 seasons (no PSR or Uefa FFP applied then).
But from 2010/11 (the first monitoring year of Uefa FFP), the other categorisation began. Direct Equity started to decline and Abu Dhabi Partner funding was created.
[Note: Abu Dhabi Partner funding ended up being far more than the ยฃ62.5m a year forecast here. It reached at least ยฃ122.5m a year by the time Man City were caught).
Page 2 breaks down all of the cash the owner invested into Man City (as of May 2012) and what it was used for (this goes beyond just โfundingโ into the club - it includes money spent to buy the club).
Again, it lists โSupplement to Abu Dhabi partnership dealsโ as ยฃ149.5m invested.
This is equal to the amounts of ยฃ80m + ยฃ69.5m from the 2 columns of 2010/11 and 2011/12 in the chart of page 1.
Again, this is Man City documenting historic, actual data that the owner โsupplementedโ its โpartnership dealsโ.
More clarity on that in a moment.
The next few pages cover revenue breakdowns and year by year funding breakdowns.
Page 7 covers the first year of โsupplements to Abu Dhabi partnership dealsโ in 2010/11.
This page shows which โdealsโ are being referred to: Etihad, Aabar, ADTA - Man Cityโs official โsponsorsโ.
This records Man City receiving owner cash care of the sponsors.
Page 8 shows similar historic data for 2011/12 (this time also naming another key sponsor, Etisalat).
The next 3 pages show projected funding for 2012/13, 2013/14 and 2014/15.
The pages yet again confirm that the money coming via the sponsors are part of โShareholder Fundingโ.
This is what Man City has been accused of because it breaches PSR rules. Money that comes from the sponsors gets treated as income and not capital. So Man City could get lots of money from its owner, pretend it is income and have it help manage PSR.
This is long and complexโฆ so I will do it in bullet point form rather than the usual prose for simplicity.
Mega๐งต!!
Firstโฆ A LOT of background to set contextโฆ
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Earlier this year, Man City made a legal challenge against the Premier Leagueโs Associated Party Transaction (APT) rules.
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They were brought in by a vote of PL clubs during 2021 to beef up parts of the pre-existing Profit & Sustainability Rules (PSR), specifically the element concerning Related Party Transactions (RPT).
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The RPT part of PSR meant that any transaction between a club and a โRelated Partyโ must be at Fair Market Value (FMV).
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โRelated Partyโ is a specific term within accounting rules. It has a formal definition.
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The Premier League (PL) is understood to have feared clubs could circumvent the RPT rules in PSR if they had sufficient legal powerโฆ such as a those of states (UAE or Saudia Arabia perhaps).
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This is because states would have the power to mask relationships between entities in their countries and make an actual Related Party look independent and โarmโs lengthโ. As such, the FMV test would not apply.
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The APT rules were introduced to give the PL more power in this area. It broadened the scope of transactions that would be FMV tested by creating its own definition of an โAssociated Partyโ instead of using โRelated Partyโ. In my opinion, the biggest difference being a switch in the word โsignificantโ to โmaterialโ with respect to influence.
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The APT rules also granted the PL more powers to stop / re-value APTs than it had when dealing with RPTs.
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In 2024, the PL clubs approved further changes to the APT rules that gave the PL even more powers.
ย
A few months later, Man City initiated legal action against the PL, challenging the legitimacy of the APT rules.
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Separately, Man City and the PL have been contesting another matter. The PL charged Man City with 130 breaches of its rules between 2009-2018. These breaches are extremely serious in nature.
The charges were made after a 4-year investigation following a leak of emails that had been hacked from Man Cityโs servers.
The investigation took a long time because Man City refused to comply with it and repeatedly challenged the merits of the investigation.
First in PL arbitration and then in the English Courts of Law. Man City lost every time and eventually had to hand over all the evidence demanded by the PL.
The hearing on these 130 charges started in mid-September and the first part (deciding on liability/guilt should now be finished). A decision may not be known for several months though.
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If the decision is โguilty/liableโ (which I very much expect it to be for the majority, if not all, of the charges) then I understand that there will be a second part to the hearing where applicable sanctions are argued for and against.
Now, back to the other matter on the APTsโฆ
A decision was published in that hearing which revealed that Man City had argued against the lawfulness of FMV as a concept. Had they won this, it would have provided a very strong legal argument with which to win their battle on the 130 charges.
But they failed with this argument.
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In fact, they lost on more than 80% of their arguments but they did win some. The Tribunal decided that the recent changes to the APT rules made in 2024 were unlawful and must be reversed.
The Tribunal also accepted an argument made by Man City that an exemption to the APT rules (incorporated when they were first written in 2021, relating to shareholder loans) was also unlawful.
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Man Cityโs position is that this makes the entire section of APT rules unlawful and invalid. They believe they need to be scrapped, and any new rules constructed at a slower pace. They insist the process must not be โrushedโ.
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The PLโs position is that the rules can still be applied (with a blue pencil test where you effectively ignore the bits deemed unlawful and apply the rest). They also insist that the rules can be made fully lawful with a few minor changes and they want to put these changes to a vote (by the 20 clubs) on Friday 22 November.
14 votes are needed to pass the changes and approve them.
ย
Man City has written to the clubs to pressure them into voting against the PLโs proposed rule changes, threatening legal action if the changes are made. They insist the changes will not make the rules lawful.
They also note that the Tribunal has been asked to provide clarity on the matter (who is right, Man City or PL).
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Itโs not clear how long the Tribunal will take to answer that question though.
ย
So the PLโs attitude is basicallyโฆ โletโs put in a fix now which we believe will work and should at least not make the rules any worse than they are now in terms of compliance with law โ more changes can further be made if necessary.โ
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Man Cityโs attitude is โno-one should do anything for now. Leave the rules as they are.โ (Which in their mind, is fully broken).
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Nowโฆ what I think is actually going on hereโฆ
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I think this conflict is actually about the 130 charges and that neither party is being fully transparent or on the level.
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I believe that Man City are using this matter to box the PL into a corner regarding their position on an important matter related to the 130 charges; a position that Man City wants the PL to take because it might help them avoid the most serious of sanctions.
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And I think the PL is trying to duck and weave out of that corner by stooping to Man Cityโs level!
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Nowโฆ back to the matter of those 130 chargesโฆ
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The most serious charges pertain to Man Cityโs sponsorship contracts with entities such as Etihad.
The leaked emails revealed that the sponsorship contracts were being mostly funded by Man Cityโs corporate owner, a company called Abu Dhabi United Group (ADUG).
The leaks showed that each year, sponsors such as Etihad were funding just a few million pounds whereas the remaining ยฃ60m+ p.a. of the sponsorship agreements was being funded by ADUG.
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This would mean that Man City were undertaking a conspiracy to covertly circumvent PSR, by channelling equity (owner funds) through sponsors and pretending it was genuine income. This would have enabled them to spend far more than the rules would have allowed otherwise.
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These breaches took place between 2009-2018; long before the new APT rules came into force. The RPT rules did apply though.
If (or more likely, when) the breaches are sustained, both sides will need to argue for and against the sanctions that should be applied.
ย
The general rule here is the larger the sporting impact of a rule breach, the more severe the sanction should be.
ย
Man City will try to argue that the sporting impact was minimal and I suspect their argument will take this shape:
ย
โAny money received from our sponsor Etihad that originated from ADUG is, in effect, group money. The parties should have been treated as Related and the sponsorship agreements with Etihad should have been treated as RPTs and disclosed as such. Therefore, FMV tests should have been applied.โ
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They will then use the same or similar analysis on the FMV of their sponsorship agreements that they prepared for a challenge by Uefa 10 years ago, which Uefa relied upon. This analysis apparently claimed that the sponsorship agreements they had were close to fair value.
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They will do this to show that the vast majority of sponsorship income should be considered legitimate revenue for the FFP/PSR calculation, even if it was originally sourced from Man Cityโs owner.
ย
In effect, they will argue that they gained a negligible advantage in monetary value, meaning the sporting impact of their breach was immaterial.
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The PL will try to argue that the sporting impact was very serious and I suspect their argument will take this shape:
ย
โAlthough Man City and Etihad are strongly associated, they do not meet the definition of a Related Party. As such, the money transferred by Man Cityโs owner (ADUG) to Etihad, to then be paid to Man City as if it were sponsorship revenue was, in fact, hidden equity.
As such, that entire sum that originated from ADUG should be treated as equity in the FFP/PSR calculation and not as legitimate revenue. The sponsorship income is only the portion that was funded from within the sponsor.โ
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This basis would mean Man City had an enormous illicit advantage, resulting in huge sporting impact.
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It would also imply that the PL is making the argument that Etihad and ADUG are NOT legally Related Parties. A surprising outcome.
ย
There are other reasons to suspect this is a position the PL is taking though, such as the absence of charges for rule breaches connected with failure to report the ultimate owner of the club.
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So if my theory is correct, how does it intersect with the APT rules and Fridayโs vote?
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Well, if APT rules are unlawful and unenforceable then what is to stop Man City from securing an extremely large sponsorship agreement with Etihad? One that could keep them alive even if they are related for the next decade! Only the former RPT/PSR rules.
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As such, the PL would have to argue that Man City and Etihad ARE Related Parties after all in order to enforce them, thereby undermining the argument they want to make at the hearing on the 130 charges.
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This is the corner that Man City are trying to box the PL into.
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How is the PL trying to duck and weave out of it? By passing changes to the rules that they can reasonably assert makes them lawful againโฆ even if theyโre not!
ย
If the APT rules are updated and the PL has reasonable grounds to believe they are lawful; then for Man City to challenge that, they would have to bring forth a new APT for the PL to test, wait for the outcome and, depending on the outcome, bring legal action (through arbitration) to once again challenge the decision and the rules. It would take a long timeโฆ probably long enough for the sanctions to have been argued for and against in the hearing on the 130 charges.
Itโs something that Iโve covered multiple times, in different ways, across my threads on the topic. You can find them pinned to my profile.
Yet I still constantly get asked the question; ๐ฌ๐๐ฎ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ฎ๐ค๐ช ๐จ๐ค ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐๐๐๐๐ฃ๐ฉ ๐๐๐ฃ ๐พ๐๐ฉ๐ฎ ๐ฌ๐๐ก๐ก ๐๐ ๐จ๐๐ฃ๐๐ฉ๐๐ค๐ฃ๐๐?
So I thought it helpful to pick out specific points and aggregate them to focus solely on this question.
My certainty comes from analysing, in-depth:
1., The CAS decision from Man City v Uefa for similar charges in 2020.
2., All of the leaked email evidence available in the public domain.
3., The recent APT hearing decision.
In summaryโฆ
The CAS decision provides a very good view of how some of the evidence will likely be interpreted, as well as how Man City previously defended themselves and what it would take to crush that defence. It also provides insight into what Man Cityโs witnesses are committed to (they cannot contradict testimony afforded at CAS without being impeached).
The leaked email evidence provides the minimum fact-base that the PL will have at its disposal.
We know the emails are real because:
a) That was revealed at the CAS hearing; and
b) If they werenโt, Man City would have had to end this years ago at arbitration or the High Court.
That fact-base helps us understand how the PL can substantiate their charges and it helps us to hypothesise potential mitigating evidence and arguments that Man City could conceive.
The APT decision provides insight into Man Cityโs current defence strategy and where it has already failed, leaving them vulnerable.
Uefa sanctioned Man City in 2020 for similar breaches of their rules to the charges Man City now face from the PL.
Man City was accused of inflating sponsorship contracts in order to subvert FFP rules, for vast sums of money over many years. Enough to help them dominate football. The allegation is that Man Cityโs executive leadership team (CEO, COO, CFO, etc) conspired with a board director called Simon Pearce (who is also a member of the UAE Govt and top advisor and aide to the rulers) to have owner monies channelled through Man Cityโs sponsors (such as Etihad) and pretend that they were legitimate commercial revenues that the sponsor would pay itself.
Man City didnโt co-operate with Uefaโs investigation or defend itself at its hearings - it refused to provide evidence demanded. So Uefa sanctioned them.
This allowed Man City to fast track an appeal to CAS, which was heard by a 3-arbitrator panel. 2 of the 3 arbitrators were put forward by Man City and subsequent to the hearing, both were reported to have apparent conflicts of interest - one of them reported to have serious conflicts of interest. None of Uefa, the arbitrators, nor CAS would comment on this.
The CAS panel was split at the end of the hearing. 1 arbitrator wanted to uphold the sanctions. 2 wanted to overturn and reduce them. So Man City won by a 2/3 majority.
All 3 arbitrators decided that the (limited) evidence it saw showed Man Cityโs executive leadership team requested the arrangements whereby Man Cityโs owner (holding company, ADUG) would pay for the sponsorsโ obligations.
The emails repeatedly requested that Simon Pearce enact the arrangements, over the course of years.
However, 2/3 arbitrators decided that this evidence was insufficient to prove that Simon Pearce would (or could) fulfil these arrangements. Those 2/3 arbitrators also decided this was insufficient evidence to say the sponsors would comply or had complied.
Simon Pearce and the former CEO of Etihad explicitly denied the arrangements had been put in place or undertaken. They did so in sworn testimony, as did others.
(It is worth noting something that many people overlook here. The CAS decision effectly labels Man Cityโs executive leadership team as cheats. By making a finding that the emails they wrote did, in fact, request arrangements whereby ADUG would pay the sponsorship obligations, and that this carried on for years showing they clearly believed it to be happening, combined with the fact they never reported this to Uefa or the PL, as required by the rules, makes them cheats by definition. It doesnโt matter whether the arrangements were ever fulfilled or not. The intent alone is a breach of PL rules for which Man City is charged.
Also, it should be noted that the Board never fired them. The CEO and CFO are still in post. One of the others was even promoted within CFG afterwards. This demonstrates complicity of Man Cityโs Board and owners).
What most helped Man City win at CAS was Uefa expediency though. Uefa was in a rush to conclude the appeal before the start of the new season - they explicitly stated so in a letter to CAS.
This meant that when Man City refused to provide more evidence than just 6 emails, Uefa relented and chose to proceed with the appeal despite this. They had the right to demand all of the relevant evidence (something the PL fought to get from Man City through the courts, for years). Had Uefa not prioritised speed over evidence, Man City would likely have been heavily sanctioned long ago.
This expediency is also likely why Uefa did not object to Man Cityโs proposed President for the panel and why they chose not to appeal the decision despite learning of potential conflicts of interest or perjury committed during the hearingโฆ
โฆ Despite all this, 1 arbitrator was still ready to sanction Man City on this limited evidence alone and the other 2 arbitrators implied in the decision what it would take for them to do the same:
i) Proof that Simon Pearceโs denials were unreliable; and/or
ii) Proof that Simon Pearce has the capability to undertake the arrangements; and/or
iii) Proof that the sponsors were party to the arrangements; and/or
iii) Proof that payments were made to the sponsors by ADUG.
In the decision, the 2 arbitrators were not clear whether one of these proofs would be sufficient or if a combination would be required.
So itโs a good thing the PL can achieve all of them thenโฆ
In my opinion, this is more relevant for Newcastle than Man City.
Man City would want the APT rules out of action in order to sign a monster Etihad deal in the interimโฆ in the belief it will allow it to survive the tough winters of a few years outside the PL following sanctions from the IC.
However, that wonโt help if theyโre permanently expelled subject to a change in ownership. And I strongly suspect that is the sanction the PL Board is pursuing for the 130 charges. Itโs warranted too.
Newcastle on the other hand would LOVE a free run to sign some inflated sponsorship contractsโฆ although they would still need to comply with Uefa rules if they want to play in Uefa comps. So itโs unlikely theyโd be too excessive. Just a bit.
For what itโs worth, Iโd be stunned if the Tribunalโs decision is that the APT rules are entirely void in the interim. It would be a bizarre decision.
I also expect the PL would appeal it. There could be grounds tooโฆ
Itโs clear that Man Cityโs letter to the PL clubs (by Simon Cliff) is an effort to ensure the clubs donโt enact new rules in the interim. The letter came across in a very clear way to me - a threat.
It smacks of more desperation. The other reason Man City is likely desperate that the entire APT rules are considered void is they still believe such an outcome will help them argue for weaker sanctions on the 130.
I donโt see it. Not with how the decision was constructed. It made crystal clear the importance that APTs be at FMV for the very foundation of PSR. That means the 130 charges can only be construed in the most severe wayโฆ
1. Man City won their arguments on who should have burden of proof to establish FMV (club vs PL) and the right to review any FMV benchmarking analysis performed by the PL. This feels like the right outcome to me and something I expected. It was unfair to shift it onto the clubs or to knock back values without explaining why (at the assumption level).
The upshot of not having been able to see and respond to / challenge the analysis (and the fact the process was too long) means that the PLโs decision to prevent certain sponsorships was unlawful and Man City will very likely be able to claim against the PL for damages (potentially in the tens of millions).
Hugely embarrassing for the PL and their legal advisors on this matter. The clubs need to hold Masters to account on this.
2. Man City won an argument that the rules as a whole are unlawful because they do not also consider finance costs of shareholder loans in their calculation. This is a big shock and could have serious consequences for a number of clubs.
The reason it is shocking is because the PLโs rules are broadly in line with Uefaโs which require loans be at FMV but only if they are non-interest bearing. If they are interest-bearing, then they do not. That is why all clubs in Uefa comps generally only have shareholder loans at low interest rates and not zero rates (something the article got wrong about Arsenal).
Itโs also shocking because itโs a bizarre outcome. A shareholder loan can just be converted into equity, then there is no financing cost at all. I wish I could read the judgement and understand the arguments made and how they were interpreted because from the outside, itโs really odd. It makes sense at a surface level but not at all with any deeper thought.
The upshot though (unless the PL appeals) is that the current rules are unlawful and must be re-written. Until that time, it is unclear what governs these transactions and if that opens room for clubs to sign big Associated Party contracts now before the door is slammed shut (clubs would also need to consider implications with Uefa rules if they want to play in Uefa comps).
This could be huge for Newcastle and Man City. Especially if City are anticipating relegation for their 115+ charges - they could potentially sign a very large sponsorship deal now to get them through the tough days without PL broadcast revenues.
I canโt help but think the PL massively screwed up in its case here. Very surprising outcome. But without seeing the arguments, itโs impossible to know.
3. The article is sh*t-stirring a bit with the reference to cartels and Arsenal. The rules could have benefitted Man City and Newcastle just as much as anyone else. They were broadly in line with Uefaโs and if anything, someone using shareholder loans actually disadvantaged themselves in PSR vs Man City (who just injected equity rather than making loans, hence had zero financing costs).
As for Arsenal, KSE will likely just convert the debt to equity and then there is no finance cost at all, making PSR even easier for them to clear.
4. Man City were unsuccessful in challenging the application of FMV to the transactions. This is important because it means that the rules wonโt go forever; they just need to be re-written. Also, it means Man City should not be able to argue for lighter sanctions on the 115+ (covered in prior threads).
Based on this article, this result should have little to no bearing on the outcome of the 115+.
These parts are especially key regarding the case on the 115+ chargesโฆ
FMV is inherent to PSR and Gulf state clubs were not discriminated against.
This weakens the potential argument for lighter sanctions.
PL has published a statement and the decision in full.
Iโll review and share more detailed thoughts then.