The EV sector industrial subsidy figures released last week by @CSIS are inflated by at least ~$80B, mainly from poor assumptions made to calculate the NEV Sales Tax Exemption that (i) don't pass the sanity check and (ii) are out-of-whack with disclosed actuals amounts.
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As disclosed in the CSIS analysis, the Sales Tax Exemption assumption is based on a very simple premise:
To incent purchases of NEVs (new energy vehicles i.e. BEVs+PHEVs) over ICE vehicles, most NEVs are exempt from the sales tax exemption, which is assumed to be 10%.
$39.5B of Sales Tax Exemption in '23 thus implies that there were at least $395B worth of NEVs sold in China based on CSIS assumptions.
Since we know how many NEVs were sold (~7.9M passenger and ~0.3M commercial), we can back out the implied average selling price (ASP).
CSIS discloses ASP assumption of ¥1.2M for large commercial vehicles. This would imply ~$54B in commercial vehicle NEV sales in '23, leaving $341B for light passenger vehicles.
Based on ~7.9M passenger NEVs sold in '23, this implies an ASP of $43k (¥310k).
This does not pass the sanity check, nor is it consistent with CSIS' own assumptions (passenger NEV ASP is ¥250k).
e.g. the best-selling models in China are compact and mid-size NEVs with ASPs in the ¥120-250k range.
In any case, we can also cross-check this assumption with actual disclosed figures.
The Ministry of Finance disclosed last year cumulative NEV Sales Tax Exemptions through 2022 of ~¥200 billion (~$29B) + another ~¥115 billion (~$16B) in 2023.
This suggests the CSIS estimate for Salex Tax Exemptions is overstated by 2.5-2.6x
Factoring in more accurate assumptions that are more in line with these actuals, I have done my own analysis on Chinese EV sector assumptions and arrived at ~$147B, ~$83B lower than the CSIS estimate.
Based on this, more interesting is what happens going forward IMO.
Per below, the NEV Sales Tax Exemption has been extended for 4 more years, but like the Buyer's Rebate before gradually eases out.
For example, the maximum exemption halves in 2026 to ¥15k per NEV.
I've taken the EV sector subsidies analysis out through 2030 assuming the Sales Tax Exemption is retired after this current program ends.
As you can see avg. subsidies per vehicle continue to fall gradually, from $2,700 in '23 to <$200 by '30.
If we take the model even further out to 2040, China will have spent ~$330B in total subsidies on the EV sector.
Paired against ~704M cumulative NEV sales through 2040, this would average out cumulatively to a subsidy of ~$468 per vehicle.
I think the lesson here is pretty clear and does not need overstated subsidy estimates to make the point.
The key to any successful industrial policy subsidy program is providing support to a domestic industry to achieve scale and profitability so subsidies can be gradually withdrawn over time.
The last point is key. If industrial policy and subsidies cannot achieve industry scale and self-sustaining profitability, you end up with a non-competitive sector that continues to suck up fiscal resources indefinitely.
The development of the Chinese EV sector has followed this principle.
Subsidies per car have fallen from >$20k per vehicle to ~$2k per vehicle over the last decade and will be effectively completed by 2027.
The question for Western policymakers is not about the need to develop and retain an EV industry using industrial policy and subsidies, like China has done. That should be pretty clear, the answer is yes.
It is about execution of said industrial policy. Specifically, are we seeing aggregate subsidies per NEV go down over time at a satisfactory pace?
Remember there are other new industries beyond EVs.
That China is a few years away from withdrawing subsidies from EVs just means that those fiscal resources will soon be available to support development of other future industries.
If one is stuck subsidizing old industries indefinitely this just means less fiscal resources available to spur development of new ones.
This is not the first time I’ve seen highly questionable assumptions in CSIS analysis on China.
Its analysis of COMAC development costs was even more egregious and off by 6-14x.
These numbers influence policy and decision-making. Isn’t it important that we get them right?
There are multiple potential explanations for why trade between China and certain developing countries like Morocco are growing robustly beyond the narrowminded explanation Robin offers below (and consistently, in other threads).
Indeed, the most obvious one is that this is simply a continuation of a multi-decade trend of increasing trade between the two countries.
Often the most obvious explanation is the correct one, and I think that is the case with Morocco (and developing economies in general) as I will explain here in this 🧵.
To prove his "transshipment" hypothesis at this level, Robin needs to provide more than just unsupported assertions.
The obvious approach would be just looking at the key categories that the U.S. imports from China and compare to the large import growth areas in a country like Morocco.
OEC is a nice place to start.
Cursory review of recent growth drivers suggests minimal correlation between the categories that are driving export growth in Morocco (cars, cranes, iron blocks) vs. declines in the U.S. (packaged medicaments, telephones and computers).
Free cash flow is a measure after capital expenditures and incorporates fluctuations in working capital.
Since founding, BYD's modus operandi has been to re-allocate every dollar of operating cashflow + as much capital as it can raise — as non-dilutively as possible — to support the needs of a rapidly growing business.
Frankly, it is financially illiterate to describe re-investment back into a growing business as "losses". Negative cashflow is a cashflow item and — especially if related to CapEx and working capital fluctuations (which I will address below) — is conceptually different from "losses" which is an income statement term.
A better approach is to consider how much long-term capital the company has raised an compare it to the scale of operating capacity that capital has enabled.
We can look at this from BYD's latest balance sheet, which I have summarized here:
To date, BYD has taken in a total of ¥340B in debt and equity funding.
This number includes ~¥82B of ST/LT borrowings and ¥258B of equity (or equity-like) funding.
The equity funding includes ¥107B of "undistributed profit" which is similar in concept to retained earnings (we'll get back to this point in a bit).
For all the flak about "lack of a social welfare safety net", China has one of the lowest pension/retirement ages in the world.
Further, it's hard to imagine that China — a "loud and proud" socialist country — not investing significantly into its social welfare programs in the coming decades, especially as it has officially crossed the "high income" threshold.
Jonathon highlights what I thought was the most interesting point out of the recent communique.
I tend to look at things from a company/sector perspective, and for me this represented the CCP's effort to adapt the vast administrative bureaucracy to align with the operational and realities of shifting sectoral priorities.
Property and infrastructure development were two of the key economic development priorities from the mid-2000s to the early 2020s.
Both property and infrastructure (especially "traditional" infrastructure like highways and bridges) were highly localized in nature. Land is central to both efforts, and land use falls under the jurisdiction of local governments.
Thus, it made sense for executive power to be decentralized to the local governments: Beijing simply cannot effectively manage land development in Guizhou.
This leads to a whole other set of issues, as there is a wide variation in local government competence. The manifestation of these issues has been widely discussed (e.g. LGFVs) but that is not the scope of this thread.
The question here is now that economic development priorities have shifted, how should the bureaucracy adapt from a centralization vs. de-centralization perspective?
And to do that again we need to understand how the differentiated nature of the new priority sectors map against this question of centralized vs. de-centralized administration.
This is important because there is a group of people that insist on confusing/conflating demand with consumption in the China context.
These are meaningfully distinct terms: Consumption is just one component of demand, alongside gross capital formation. The distinction is driven by GDP accounting definitions.
To further clarify, this is what I mean about the distinction between demand (in the context of supply) and "consumption" in the context of GDP accounting-driven split between gross capital formation / "investment" and expenditures / "consumption"
I can see that folks are already starting to wildly misinterpreting what this chart says and this seems like another one of these Rorscarch tests on China.
Let's nip this in the bud: this is IP share of services exports, which comes from Balance of Payments accounting.
That China does not license IP is not an "indictment", it's a statistical quirk that requires some deeper understanding of the BoP and how it maps against real-world trade and investment realities.