Luke Tryl Profile picture
Jun 27 15 tweets 6 min read Read on X
🧵How have our Seven Segments voting intention changed since 2019 & during the campaign? Starting with Progressive Activists, the only group where Labour now polls a lower than in 2019. Though this group will still overwhelmingly vote Labour the greens have made the most gains. Image
When people talk about left wing discontent they're referring to this group who tended to like Jeremy Corbyn - they're also the only group who are more likely to say Labour's pledges are under not overly ambitious. But it's important not to overstate it... Image
The drop is 10 points in a segment that makes up about 10% of population - something for Labour to think about, but not unduly worry them given many progressive activists are in seats where they can afford to shed some votes... & they've made much bigger gains with other groups.
Next up Civic Pragmatists. Labours vote is up with this more soft left group by about 8 points since 2019, though it has maybe dipped during the campaign. The Conservatives vote has halved since 2019 and Reform has little appeal to this group. Image
And this group are by far the biggest fans of Keir Starmer he has a +34 net positive view score with this group, higher than any other group and speaking to the fact Keir Starmer has moved Labour's coalition centre-left since 2019. Image
Disengaged Battlers are the most economically insecure group, most urban & most likely to be from minority ethnic communities. Labour's vote is up a little here, the Tory vote is now almost non existent & Reform has made gains off the back of their 'broken system' pitch Image
You can see here the extent of Disengaged Battlers distrust and apathy, they are second most likely to say the Government is rigged, and are projected to have the second lowest turnout of the seven segments. Image
Here arguably is the biggie. Established Liberals, the more blue wall/Cameronite group. The only group where Labour's vote has grown both over the Parliament but also even more during the campaign. The Tory vote is down nearly 20 points with a former base group. Image
Reform has little support with this more economically right/socially liberal group. But striking just how well Labour are doing with them & it speaks to why they are close to running the board, biggest campaign gains with core Tory voters of the 2010s. Image
What about the other edge of the 2019 Coalition, Loyal Nationals: more socially Conservative/economically left voters who helped deliver Boris's victories in the Red Wall. Two stories here, sustained Tory decline, and gains for Labour, but also for Reform UK who move into second Image
This group have by far the most positive view of Nigel Farage of any of the groups in- fact it's the only group with whom he is clearly in positive territory. In focus groups they tend to like his plain speaking and focus on immigration which is a top concern for Loyal Nationals Image
Disengaged Traditionalists are another story of Tory decline, the highest Reform UK share of any group and Labour moving ahead with the group best captured by 'Essex Man' or white van person - individualist, strong belief in rules/order and self reliance. Image
Unlike Loyal Nationals who are attracted to Reform because of Farage particularly, Disengaged Traditionalists are the most likely to see Reform policies as aimed at them. The other difference with Loyal Nationals is that LNs think Labour policies are aimed at them but DTs do not Image
Finally Backbone Conservatives, the only group with the Conservatives still on top. Labour and Reform have made gains, though Reform's gains are lower than with other right leaning groups, in part the age profile of this group tending beyond the peak Reform age. Image
Full slides and more findings here! moreincommon.org.uk/general-electi…

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More from @LukeTryl

Jun 27
🧵 Important point & worth explaining why we frame it as we do. The most important thing is that we use the language people use when talking about the issue & issues involved. In qual we have tested different framings on debates about sex based rights and gender ID.
So in focus groups we have tried frames like “debates about sex and gender” or protecting “women’s rights”. The challenge with these frames is that people, unless they are highly engaged, tend not to associate them with the current debate about sex/gender ID at all.
Instead people link them to a range of other issues from the gender pay gap, to childcare, & issues around women’s safety as well. All key issues for the public - but framing a poll Q that way trying to get at what is undoubtedly a live election issue would be more misleading
Read 7 tweets
Jun 23
🗣️Thoughts from speaking to voters this week in Blyth, Hartlepool, Northallerton, Whitby, Harrogate, Altrincham, Aberdeen, Wells & Aldershot.
1) Views of Sunak are changing from anger, to not taking him seriously, Sky TV came up repeatedly as epitomising him 'not getting it'.
Even among more loyal Conservative voters there was a strong element of pity creeping in, and a growing number of 'decent man, not up to the job' type comments that we heard from those who should be loyal Tories.
What's perhaps most striking is up till recently despite the Conservatives having been behind in the polls for a long time, you'd still get people in focus groups saying 'they'll win in the end because they always do', that has disappeared, there's a sense of inevitability
Read 22 tweets
Jun 22
🆕 If Labour win the next election how long do they have until people expect to be able to feel a difference. Our @Moreincommon_ @UCLPolicyLab research in tomorrow’s @Telegraph suggests for the median current Labour voter it’s a year in office. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2024/…
Image
And what would a positive difference most look like to those currently planning on voting Labour. The answer is overwhelmingly lower NHS waiting lists meaning the DH team will have their work cut out. Image
What about being able to blame the legacies and decisions they’ve inherited, similar to the approach the Conservatives took in 2010, similar numbers suggesting most intending to vote Labour would give them a year. Image
Read 5 tweets
Jun 9
💭 This week we ran focus groups of voters in Worthing,Tunbridge Wells, Milton Keynes, Loughborough, Doncaster, Thanet, Erewash. The common themes 1) Sunak is now a drag on the Tories, the theme across groups pre D-Day was frustration at him being “out of touch” & not strong.
D-Day clearly turbocharged those feelings, what was striking was that even loyal Tory voters who would ordinarily defend Sunak weren’t just angry at the decision, they couldn’t begin to understand why he had made that decision.
2) Neither leader did themselves any favours in the debate. A challenge for Labour isn’t just the tax row (overall more believe Labour but may help the Tories pull back some waiverers),but more Starmer reinforced people’s worries he won’t say what he’d do better “only criticise”
Read 12 tweets
Jun 1
📉5 trends across our 10+ campaign focus groups. 1) Cynicism is sky high: people think Britain is broken, want change, but don't trust politicians of any party to bring it about, anger at the government is driving people to Labour but faith in their alternative isn't there yet
2) Engagement is really low, over this week we've spoken to people who still don't know who Starmer is, others who don't know what party he is in and more who don't really know anything about him beyond that - ditto most campaign developments are passing people by.
3) That combination of low engagement and high cynicism mean the electorate is pretty apathetic - not in their desire for change which is strong, but in whether this election will actually bring about change "we can't even build a train line, so whats the point" sticks with me.
Read 10 tweets
May 30
🧵In our focus group in Hitchin for @guardian we heard from voters genuinely torn between conflicting instincts on how to vote: their usual conservative tendency, fury at the mini budget, a desire for change but also worry about the 'unknown' of Labour. theguardian.com/politics/artic…
Tax was high on the agenda for this group. The unfairness of cut offs for child benefit & childcare, and that tax brackets hadn't been raised with inflation. All of it contributed to them to the sense that the middle were being 'screwed' as Beth put it.
They were frustrated that the Tories who were supposed to be the low tax party had raised it, but their biggest economic gripe was about the mini budget. This was by far the group we've run where people were the most angry about the impact it had on interest rates.
Read 11 tweets

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