Recently I returned from my second trip to Ukraine since May. I spoke to dozens of officials, soldiers, opposition figures, foreign diplomats, analysts, civil society activists—and ordinary Ukrainians who are bearing the brunt of Russia’s invasion. Here are some impressions.
Russia has seized the initiative but is not strong enough to make a strategic breakthrough. Ukraine is faced with a conundrum: People want the fighting to end but refuse to surrender. They have no trust in Putin and want a security guarantee to deter Russia from attacking again.
“If people thought of liberation in 2023, now they say: ‘As long as Zelensky doesn’t give away territory forever,’” an NGO leader said. War fatigue is high. Everyone knows someone who has been killed, and Russian strikes on energy infrastructure have caused rolling blackouts.
The new mobilization law has been met with a mix of fatalism and frustration. There’s a widespread view that you can buy your way out of military service. One high-ranking officer said the system was unfair and wished for a professional army. “It’s a war of the poor,” he said.
As one analyst put it, people still trust Zelensky as the commander in chief but not as a politician. That tracked with my observations. Given the mortal Russian threat and martial law, nobody is demanding elections or ready to take to the streets.
But the opposition is critical of the power amassed by the presidential administration and restrictions on the news media; they want a government of national unity. Zelensky’s team says that would lead to chaos, just look at how that worked out for Israel.
Some Ukrainians see a ceasefire as an opportunity to hold elections and reboot the government. Others dread the tensions that will come to the surface when political rivals trade recriminations and look to settle old scores frozen by the war.
Everyone is waiting for the first F-16s to push back the Russian warplanes dropping deadly glide bombs. There can never be enough air defense. And the Ukrainian military still wants the Americans to grant permission to strike more targets inside Russia.
Ukrainians feel their fate very much hinges on the US presidential election. Despite all the reservations about Trump, people in Ukraine remember that he provided the first US weapons. Biden is held in esteem, but he is widely seen as being too cautious and slow.
PS: The US presidential race has taken some sharp turns since my departure. After Trump picked JD Vance as running mate, one interlocutor in Kyiv wrote that people were either “depressed” or “concerned.” Now they’re trying to figure out what a Harris presidency might bring.
Some Ukrainians believe there can be no peace until the US reaches an agreement with Russia. There’s the feeling Trump could shake things up, even impose a peace deal that would absolve Ukrainian politicians of responsibility and get some buy-in from America.
Zelensky’s team defends his “peace formula” as a way for Ukraine to take back agency and declare its demands. But critics say the Swiss summit didn’t get Ukraine any closer to peace—and doubt a second conference can take place before the US election. president.gov.ua/storage/j-file…
On my last day in Kyiv, I went to Independence Square—the Maidan—where a makeshift memorial to fallen Ukrainian (and foreign) fighters has sprung up. There are thousands of flags, many with names and dates written on them, like in a cemetery.
I left Ukraine in a somber mood. But my companions on the train lifted my spirits: Yelyzaveta, Olga and Ganna, 3 young Ukrainian women excelling in business, IT and sports. They are Ukraine’s future. END
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Just back from Ukraine, I spent a couple of days roaming the halls of Congress. Many Republicans are still sympathetic to Ukraine. But America’s polarization runs so deep that open support might appear to cross the White House.
One staffer said there is still a majority in support of Ukraine in both chambers; the problem in the House is that the GOP leadership is beholden to a MAGA fringe that will prevent a measure from coming to the floor. (Remember the supplemental?)
Another constraint on Republicans who have traditionally supported Ukraine is that if they are seen pushing back on the White House, they will face a primary challenger next election funded by Musk.
A senior Ukrainian officer based in the Kharkiv region tells me the situation is “not critical but very tense everywhere.” The Russians have forced Ukraine to divert troops from Donetsk and are probing the Ukrainian lines. Russia is not in a position to make a major attack. 🧵
Ukraine has accepted it’s on the defensive and is stabilizing the line of contact, says the senior Ukrainian officer. The Russians are trying to establish a cordon sanitaire along the border. They launch assaults every day. There are many wounded on both sides.
The senior Ukrainian officer says Ukraine has 3 main problems: limited ammunition; no air support; not enough experienced personnel. Ukraine’s hopes lie in the Czech ammunition initiative; F-16s in the fall; Syrskyi’s efforts to bring more troops from the rear.
.@oleksiireznikov, Ukraine’s defense minister at the start of the full-scale Russian invasion, was in Washington today. He had some interesting things to say.
Reflecting on how far the West has come in supporting Ukraine, Reznikov recalled how he once was told that Stingers were impossible and now Ukraine is about to receive its first F-16s. “What is impossible today becomes possible tomorrow,” he said.
On the eve of the invasion, Reznikov learned that Russian spies were reporting to the Kremlin that 30% of Ukrainians would meet the Russians with flowers; 60% would be indifferent; 10% would resist. (Anybody talking to real Ukrainians would have known this to be absurd.)
Having just returned from Kyiv, I’d like to share some main takeaways from my meetings with political and military actors, people both supportive and critical of the Zelensky administration, as well as ordinary Ukrainians I met along the way.
Most remarkable is Ukrainians’ resilience and unity in the third year of a relentless, unprovoked attack by Russia. Although there is grumbling—Ukraine is a democracy—there is broad consensus for the need to keep fighting and awareness of the dire consequences of losing the war.
People in Kyiv take constant air raid alarms with sangfroid. They are confident in the air defenses around the capital. But one old acquaintance said she thinks a second Russian attack on Kyiv is possible—something she wouldn’t have said a year ago.
Just submitted my 375-page, peer-previewed book manuscript to @ColumbiaUP. It was a little harder to conceive than a real baby, but now it's just 9 months away from delivery.
This book is based on my almost 20 years reporting from Ukraine and Russia. It is an accessible but detailed history of Putin's transformation into an embittered tyrant who saw it as his historical mission to reconquer Ukraine.
I witnessed the events I discuss, from the Orange Revolution and Russia's invasion of Georgia to the arrival of Russian troops in Crimea and the Russian-backed insurgency in the Donbas. I watched as Russia, which I first visited in 1991, turn into a full-blown dictatorship.
New: Dalai Lama's representative in Russia, Telo Tulku, resigns as leader of Buddhists in Russia's Kalmykia leader after Russian officials brand him a "foreign agent" for opposing Putin's war and openly supporting Ukraine. khurul.ru/2023/01/28/obr…
Telo Tulku, also known as Erdne Ombadykow, was born to a Kalmyk immigrant family in US, told his parents at age 4 he wanted to become a monk and was educated in India. In 1991 he made his first trip to Kalmykia, a southern Russian region where Buddhism is the traditional faith.
Telo Tulku became the spiritual leader of Kalmykia's Buddhists in 1992. He has restored temples destroyed by Communists and organized the Dalai Lama's 2004 visit to Russia. khurul.ru/shadzhin-lama-…