Indeed - this seems to be an instance of autocratic learning. Fico and his cronies seem to have learned from Orbán that EU membership, including generous EU funds, are compatible with democratic backsliding and high FDI inflows, driven by multinationals. For more, see 👇
Let me elaborate on 3 points.
1⃣How we got here and why this is an instance of autocratic diffusion
In the table below I summarise the literature on the strategies Orbán has employed to foster the consolidation of his regime. Many of these strategies are familiar to those
studying democratic backsliding in the CEE region and in Slovakia in particular. See, for instance, this ...
The attack on media freedom is a well-studied phenomenon in the Hungarian context. See this brilliant @ecmaEditors paper econometricsociety.org/publications/e…
For more background:
Bakke, Elisabeth, and Nick Sitter. 2022. ‘The EU’s Enfants Terribles: Democratic Backsliding in Central Europe since 2010’. Perspectives on Politics 20(1): 22–37. cambridge.org/core/journals/…
For some suggestive evidence on "autocratic" diffusion:
@panyiszabolcs and Lukáš Diko. 2024. ‘How the Slovak Leader Asked for the Kremlin and Orbán’s Help (and Got It)’. . .VSquare.org vsquare.org/slovakia-elect…
2⃣ EU funds and the attack on the anti-corruption agency
Like its Visegrád counterparts, Slovakia relies heavily on EU funds, which accounted for more than 10% of its GDP in 2023. For these funds to serve autocratic ends, it is imperative that the workings of the
clientelistic machine are not disrupted by anti-corruption concerns. This is an important part of the explanation for the Slovakian government's latest gambit.
Once again, this is very similar to the Hungarian case. There is strong evidence that Orbán has rigged
the procurement system.
Szucs, Ferenc. 2024. ‘Discretion and Favoritism in Public Procurement’. @JEEA_News 22(1): 117–60. doi.org/10.1093/jeea/j…
The strategic logic behind the use of EU funds for democratic erosion / autocratic consolidation is summarised here.
3⃣Why do multinationals matter for FDI for wanna-be competitive autocrats?
It is worth noting that Slovakia's dependence on multinationals has grown in
recent years. There are a couple of nice papers on this:
Ban, Cornel, and Dragoș Adăscăliței. 2022. ‘The FDI-Led Growth Models of the East-Central and South Eastern Periphery’. In Diminishing Returns: The New Politics of Growth and Stagnation, eds. academic.oup.com/book/44862/cha…
Lucio Baccaro, Mark Blyth, and Jonas Pontusson.
@bilyanakpetrova, and Aleksandra Sznajder Lee. 2024. ‘Integrating with the Global Economy: The Evolution of the Export Profiles of the European Union’s Eastern Periphery (2000–2021)’. tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
The strategic value of multinational-dominated FDI is that this helps would-be autocrats solve the usual commitment problem they face vis-a-vis investors -- their inability to credibly promise to respect the latter's (property) rights.
This argument is by no means original.
Johns, Leslie, and Rachel L. Wellhausen. 2016. ‘Under One Roof: Supply Chains and the Protection of Foreign Investment’. @apsrjournal 110(1): 31–51. cambridge.org/core/journals/…
The only twist I'd add is that the commitment-boosting effect of multinational-dominated FDI is cp stronger when these companies are (i) headquartered in countries that are important export markets for Slovakia, and (ii) should matter more to companies operate in sectors
where relationship-specific investments are more important for production.
As in Hungary, the single most important export market for Slovakia is Germany, meaning that German multinationals will have the most clout over the Fico government. To prevent further backsliding in
Slovakia (and learn from the Orbán debacle), much depends on two entities: the European Commission and the German government / German multinationals.
I'm not particularly optimistic that either the EC or the Germans will invest much political capital tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
into Fico and his loyalists. For the EC, see e.g. @rdanielkelemen's papers -- as well as the work by @ProfPech, @KimLaneLaw, and @Tom_Pavone. For the German government: Quite frankly, the political agenda in Germany is full as it as at the moment, with the coalition's current
budget imbroglio, the upcoming state elections, and the (alas) contentious issue of supporting 🇺🇦.
Despite my political pessimism, let me end on an epistemically optimistic note: the above illustrates the importance of comparative politics.
For those interested in serious economic and political analysis of the impact of immigration in the UK, see in particular the Deaton Review's relevant section (h/t @TheIFS). Some examples below. academic.oup.com/ooec/issue/3/S…
Dustmann, Christian (@RF_Berlin), Yannis Kastis, and Ian Preston. 2024. ‘Inequality and Immigration’. Oxford Open Economics 3(Supplement_1): i453–73. doi:10.1093/ooec/odad052.
Dustmann, Christian and Tommaso Frattini. 2014. ‘The Fiscal Effects of Immigration to the UK’. @EJ_RES 124(580): 593–643. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.111…
Programmatic accommodation of far-right challengers often entails rhetoric that erodes norms of civility and normalises far-right positions. This, a growing body of research shows, can help incite violence, especially with a "transmitter" as powerful as social media.
On normalisation:
Bursztyn, Leonardo, Georgy Egorov, and Stefano Fiorin. 2020. ‘From Extreme to Mainstream: The Erosion of Social Norms’. American Economic Review 110(11): 3522–48. aeaweb.org/articles?id=10…
@ValentimVicente . 2021. ‘Parliamentary Representation and the Normalization of Radical Right Support’. @cps_journal journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00…
having a look at his more recent work, notably his chapter in the HPE handbook (edited by @jaj7d and @jaredcrubin) as well as his ... academic.oup.com/edited-volume/…
Happy to circulate a new @cage_warwick working paper, which is joint work with @fetzert and @Prashant_Garg_.
Using original data on high-street vacancies in England and Wales, we investigate the political ramifications of local decline. Brief summary 👇
Motivation & contribution
The literature on populism has produced robust evidence of a reduced-form causal between:
▶️local economic shocks and negative spatial externalities (crime, homelessness, mental distress)
▶️ lregional exposure to shocks and
populist support
Gap: Still little direct evidence on the link between the local decline induced by these externalities and populists' electoral success
Our contribution is empirical: we gather data on a highly visible type of spatial externality, high-street vacancies.
Foucault died 40 years ago. His work is not easy to read for someone trained in quantitative social science, but in a fascinating essay @ethanbdm draws on (among others) Foucault reflect on the "perils of quantification" in policy analysis. bostonreview.net/forum_response…
"In truth, the very notion of the “aims” of public policy is shaped in a deep way by the dictates of quantification. We don’t quantify because we are utilitarians. We are utilitarians because we quantify. Reflecting on similar themes, Michel Foucault perhaps put it best,
saying that for modern policy analysts, utilitarianism has ceased to be a philosophy or even an ideology. It has become 'a technology of government.'"
Caveat: Imo this does by no means imply that we should jettison the welfare-economic toolkit. But it requires greater ...
Agreed. The way we think about this in our climate institutions report is that institutions are an important means for addressing the strategic challenges associated with climate policy - in addition to policy instruments and, potentially, rhetoric (see👇).
What are these strategic challenges? In the absence of a good theory of climate policymaking, we derived these inductively from the literature. We came up with the following list:
1⃣ Agenda setting +seeding (drawing on the path-breaking work by @owasow)
2⃣ Knowledge and transparency
Crucially, this includes "common knowledge", which is familiar to game theorists, but overlooked in the institutional literature. @page_eco had a nice post recently on CK, which I can thoroughly recommend. optimallyirrational.com/p/the-strategi…