That said, it is worth noting that the sample does look a little blue. It's about a net-1 pt more Democratic, Dem-leaning and 2020 'Biden compared to the last time we polled these three states in May. This could be an indication of a shift in response patterns, though it could indicate change in attitude as well
I do think the idea of a 'real' 1 pt change in Dem PID/Biden recall, etc., to be fairly plausible. Not only is that a fairly small shift, but no one can deny that the national political environment hasn't changed in a huge way over the last few weeks
There's another question, of course: is it possible that both polls were skewed Dem, even if the change is real? That possibility can't be dismissed, given the nature of polling and the history of polling error in the Midwest. I'm just not sure these measures help identify it
Recall vote, for instance... may not be all its cracked up to be. All of our polls in 2020 showed too many Trump '16 voters, and they were ultimately biased toward Biden. That's why we don't use it: it would have made our polls worse, both in 20 and 22
I'll also note that... basically all of our polls this year have leaned Biden on 2020 recall vote v. the last result, much as our 2020 polls leaned Trump. Our Feb national poll had a Biden+12 recall and Trump+6 among RVs. Maybe Trump really was up double-digits? Maybe not.
Anyway, these questions are tough. Many pollsters do weight on past vote -- by their account, it made their data more accurate in the past. If that was true for us, perhaps we'd be doing it too.
And in case it's unknown: instead, we weight on hard measures of partisanship - party registration, past dem/rep primary participation, or modeled estimates.
Unlike past vote or PID, these are facts - we *know* how many people in PA are reg D/R, and we know the truth about the respondent's party registration based on their voter file record. The poll reflects that hard truth, which we do publish in the tabs for states with reg like PA
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Kamala Harris leads Donald Trump, 50-46 among likely voters, in each of Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan in the first Times/Siena state polls since she became her party's nominee nytimes.com/2024/08/10/us/…
Sometimes, it's hard to explain why things move around. This is time, it's easy: after three extraordinary weeks, Harris is popular.
Her favs are >49 in each state; she does well on every trait we measure.
Trump's favorables are up too -- highest level ever in NYT/Siena polling in these three states. Not enough against a popular opponent. nytimes.com/2024/08/10/ups…
I do think we should treat this a bit like we're in the middle of a convention bump. The huge swing in public opinion over the last few weeks shows that the public's views of her are far from stable. We will see whether this lasts when the going gets tougher for Harris
Trump 48, Harris 47 among likely voters nationwide in our first Times/Siena national poll since Biden left the race nytimes.com/2024/07/25/us/…
It's an ordinary result, but there are a lot of shifts beneath the surface.
-- Trump favorability surges to 48%, up 6 points since post-debate and his highest ever in a Times/Siena poll
-- Harris favorability surges to 46%, up 10 pts since February nytimes.com/2024/07/25/ups…
The poll also shows a return to more familiar demographic patterns.
Harris leads by 21 points among 18-29 year olds, but trails among seniors. She gets 68% of the major party vote among nonwhite voters, making up about half of Biden's underperformance so far this year
Not to be an assignment editor, but at this point I could use a thorough analysis and explanation of the findings of the model, not just a description of the methodology
The findings of the model do not intuitively follow from the description of its methodology. The QT is the latest example: I would have expected an adjustment based on data in other states to hurt Biden in WI, as WI has yielded some of Biden's best numbers this year.
So make it make sense! What data implies Biden is doing better in WI/OH/MI than *either* polls or in-state fundamentals suggest? How does that data get so much weight? What states are getting nudged the other way?
Kamala Harris ran ahead of Joe Biden in New York Times/Siena College polls of Pennsylvania and Virginia, taken before the shooting on Saturday.
Biden v. Trump
PA: Trump+3, 48-45;
VA: Biden+3, 48-45.
This is not the first time Harris has run ahead of Biden in our polling. She also ran ahead of Biden in Times/Siena battleground state polls last November. In each case, she outruns Biden among young and nonwhite voters
Despite it all, Democratic candidates for U.S. Senate are cruising in both states.
PA: Casey+8, 50-42
VA: Kaine+17, 53-36
Perhaps the most important poll you've never heard of came out today: the Pew NPORS study, a large mail survey with financial incentives and a 30% response rate. It's important enough that I had to open it when the email arrived. pewresearch.org/methods/fact-s…
The survey is important because it's used as a 'benchmark' -- its results are used as targets for weighting by other polls. Pew uses it to weight their usual surveys, and other polls (like CNN/SSRS, KFF, Ipsos) do too.
(We don't use it, but I do compare it to NYT/Siena data)
The headline: NPORS found leaned party identification at R+1. That's the first time NPORS gives the GOP a party ID edge. Last year, it was D+2.
That's significant in its own right, given the quality of the survey. But it will effect other polls -- like that Ipsos poll that recently showed Trump/Biden tied.
Donald Trump leads Joe Biden by 6 points among likely voters nationwide in a New York Times/Siena College poll taken after the debate. He leads by 9 points among registered voters. nytimes.com/2024/07/03/ups…
This is a 3 point shift from the Times/Siena poll taken pre-debate -- that's almost exactly the average shift toward the winner of a presidential debate over the last few decades.
The bigger shift in the polling is the one that's been unfolding slowly for four years
Of note given history of debate bounces and our last poll: Democrats and Republicans were essentially identically likely to respond to the survey, controlling for race. It's right in line with our average response rates by party x race for the year.