Today, I addressed the Yalta European Strategy meeting, stressing that it is we who need this war to end, not Putin. He has no interest in ending it, content to send people to their deaths, ruling his people through the TV, while enjoying life in his palaces. So far, Putin and his inner circle haven't faced the real consequences of this war – but they must.
It is important to have the understanding of what it means to be with Ukraine. It’s not just about presence, an emotional connection to Ukraine, Ukrainians, or our battle for independence.
Yesterday, Russia carried out yet another attack. An artillery strike hit the village of Viroliubivka in Donetsk region. The Russians saw exactly where they were aiming – trucks of the International Committee of the Red Cross were burned, two people were wounded, and three people were killed.
The victims were humanitarian workers, whose lives taken by Russian artillery. It is disheartening to see that the Red Cross, in its communication, is even afraid to state that this was a Russian strike. But it's simply the truth – it was a Russian strike, Russian terror.
Yesterday, a Russian missile hit a civilian vessel in the Black Sea carrying wheat bound for Egypt. Fortunately, no one on board was killed. There was no reaction from Egypt – even though this concerns their food security. But this is exactly how Russia treats Egypt, food security, and free navigation – like a typical terrorist. As long as there are double standards in the realm of morality, Putin will continue seeking something other than peace.
We are now in the third year of a full-scale war. After so much death, destruction, and countless Russian war crimes, Putin can still afford to destroy life in Ukraine as he pleases, buy and produce missiles, bombs and artillery, and issue ultimatums to the world. He expects the world to fall for his madness.
These days, there have been important meetings with our partners and visits of representatives of the US and the UK. While the content of these talks remains confidential, I want to share my thoughts. In Ukraine, as in many countries, the school year has begun.
In Ukraine, we want as many children as possible to attend school in person, not just online, together with other children, in a normal school atmosphere, where they acquire not only knowledge but also social and communication skills. For this to happen, we need air defense systems like Patriots, which are sufficient in the world and which we have long expected from our partners.
Yet, when we ask for these systems, we repeatedly hear, “We are working on it.” Time passes, but Russian missiles and Iranian drones continue to terrorize our skies and our people. Everyone knows how tough it is on the front lines in Donetsk, especially near Pokrovsk. Our soldiers are showing incredible heroism, but they need reinforcements.
These reinforcements mean equipped, ready-to-fight units in sufficient numbers to not only hold ground but regain it. We have been asking for this from our partners for months. I am grateful to those who made the commitments and are fulfilling them, but we are still far from fully implementing what has been agreed.
It’s difficult to repeatedly hear, “We are working on this,” while Putin continues to burn down our cities and villages. He doesn’t need anyone’s approval. Putin interprets delays in helping us and in making strong decisions for Ukraine as permission to do whatever he wants.
It’s the same with long-range capabilities. Anyone who sees at a map where Russia launches its strikes from, trains its forces, keeps its reserves, locates its military facilities, and what logistics uses clearly understands why Ukraine needs long-range capabilities. We discussed this with Secretary Blinken and Foreign Secretary Lammy during their visits.
After our conversation, I believe there should be no unanswered questions about why Ukraine needs sufficient long-range capabilities. I want to emphasize the word “sufficient”—not just enough to say that there is a decision, but enough to truly change the course of the war and compel Russia to seek peace.
The war must become more difficult for Russia – that is the only way to make them realize it must end, and end fairly, based on international law. This requires strong decisions from the world. You all know what these decisions are. When we hear that missiles have arrived in Russia from Iran, it is the same evil that the allies had to shoot-down in the skies of the Middle East.
Now, the markings on the missiles may be different, but the terrorist motive of Iran behind the proliferation and use of these weapons remains unchanged. If the allies are jointly shooting down missiles and drones over the Middle East, why has there been no similar decision to jointly shoot down Russian missiles and drones over Ukraine?
This is especially critical when those missiles and drones threaten our neighbors’ territories. So far, the only country that has managed to shoot down Russian drones is Belarus. This is humiliating for the democratic world. We know where Russian air defense is located, where Russian missile launchers are being deployed, and what logistics routes are critical for the Russian occupation forces.
All of this can be destroyed in a matter of months. Let me remind you, the full-scale war has been ongoing for three years now. So, what is missing to end it? Strength? Decisions? Or the will?
Why can Putin continue producing weapons at full capacity? He is receiving critical components from America, Europe, and Taiwan. Supply chains to Russia still exist. As a result, it is cheaper for Putin to continue his terror than for us to defend ourselves against it.
Russian logistics and military sites are safe from our strikes because we cannot reach them. We have effective drones, but they cannot achieve what missiles are capable of. Meanwhile, Putin can easily acquire artillery from North Korea at low cost. When for Ukraine, every defense package is an achievement.
Why am I speaking in such detail about weapons now? Because these details highlight the pressure we must apply to force Russia to seek peace. Putin only understands strength. Only the things that strengthen Ukraine’s position.
Only what makes the situation worse for Russia. Only the fact that the partners are actually taking the necessary steps, and not promising to consider what steps are needed from meeting to meeting, as if it is not clear.
I will soon meet President Biden, where I will present him the Victory Package – a system of interconnected decisions that will provide Ukraine with the necessary strength to set the course toward peace. Wars of aggression such as Russia’s war against Ukraine end in one of two ways: either the occupying forces are driven out, or diplomacy secures true independence.
In both cases, Ukraine needs a strong position. The US can help achieve this. The Victory Package can pave the way for lasting peace and full implementation of the Peace Formula. Unfortunately, there are illusions in the world that it’s possible to talk to Moscow or draw some red lines that will eventually make Moscow softer.
If we want to hear the words “peace has finally come,” we must first hear “Ukraine has become powerful enough to win.” That is the only guarantee of peace. It doesn’t just depend on us; it depends on the world as well.
I thank all Ukrainians for their courage, and I thank every partner who is truly doing everything to ensure Ukraine’s victory. I look forward to the day I can thank the world’s leaders for the kind of help that makes Ukraine’s victory inevitable. Only then will the desire for peace reach Putin’s palaces.
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Today, I addressed the participants of the Fourth Summit of the International Crimea Platform, where I emphasized: true peace must have no alternatives. No frozen occupations, no people left in captivity, no forgotten repressions that are seemingly forgiven by the world.
Today we are joined by Nariman Dzhelyal, the Deputy Head of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar people and a participant in our first Crimea Platform Summit. Like many whose hearts belong to Crimea and Ukraine, Russian occupiers tried to deprive him of his home.
Nariman was taken captive and held behind bars for almost three years. But Ukraine did not forget about him. We freed him and restored his freedom. This isn’t just about one person; it’s about our fundamental policy—our policy toward Crimea, all temporarily occupied territories, and all our citizens deprived of freedom by Russia.
Today, I addressed the Ramstein Contact Group. Ukraine stands firm in the face of Russian aggression. Our brigades are holding the line in the Donetsk region, in Pokrovsk and Toretsk. And the strength of our agreements must swiftly transform into the strength of our warriors.
One month ago, our military launched an operation in the Kursk region of Russia, where Putin was preparing to expand his war and launch an offensive against Sumy. We’ve turned the tables, and now we control over 1,300 square kilometers in Kursk, including 100 settlements.
Russian troops fled from several areas in Kursk, unable to face our forces. In this region alone, Russia has lost 6,000 soldiers, with tens of thousands more lost in other war zones. Thanks to our actions, there is no longer a threat of a new offensive on Sumy, as was the case in May when Putin launched assault against Kharkiv.
Today, I addressed Ukrainian Ambassadors at a time when the world is shedding its last and very naive illusions about Russia—illusions that have significantly hindered our defense. Ukrainian warriors continue their defensive operation in the designated areas of the Kursk region. As of today, our forces control over 1,250 square kilometers of Kursk’s territory and 92 settlements.
The Russian border area opposite our Sumy region has been mostly cleared of Russian military presence. A few months ago, many people around the world would have said this was impossible and crossed Russia’s strictest “red line”. That is why no one knew about our preparations.
Now, our warriors’ real success speaks for itself. Our defensive actions across the border, as well as Putin’s inability to defend his territory, are telling. Our proactive defense is the most effective counter to Russian terror, causing significant difficulties for the aggressor.
Today, I addressed the UK Cabinet and emphasized that London has the decision-making power to steer this war towards its end. And it will be the right conclusion—just and fair.
It is very symbolic and important for all Ukrainians that we have such strong support and trust from the UK. This is the first meeting of the British Cabinet of this kind. I hope this new beginning will open up even more shared opportunities for Ukraine and the UK.
From the first days of this Russian war, our people have felt that Britain would not only stand by us but also help bring victory closer. I am grateful that British self-respect and their love of life have always resonated in their leadership—truly meaningful and helpful.
Today at Blenheim, a place associated with Winston Churchill, I addressed leaders at the European Political Community Summit. I stressed the importance of unity, bravery, and decisive action in defending our values and ensuring a peaceful, secure, and prosperous future for Europe.
This palace is not solely connected to him, but it is he who adds grandeur to Blenheim. We hold dear Churchill’s jokes and remarks, even if we wouldn't want to be the subjects of such biting humor.
We return to his speeches and measure our principles against his decisions, aspiring to similar heights. Yet, it was not this that created his legend. It was his ability to be a steadfast barrier between history and cowardice. Bravery made Churchill – Churchill.
Today, I addressed the Governors Association in Utah and emphasized the critical need for global unity against aggression. There are different wars in the world, but Russia’s war against Ukraine is one of the most transparent battles between good and evil of our time.
Ukraine has done nothing wrong before God and people. All the pain our country suffers is due to Russia’s criminal actions, unprovoked and unjust aggression. It’s so valuable that many nations have united to help us preserve our freedom and the understanding that evil must lose.
What else would our world rely on if evil did not lose and if good people did not unite in battles against what threatens any life and any values? I have said many times that we don’t ask the US and other partners to fight for us.