I have a pretty major update for one of my articles.
It has to do with Justice Jackson's comment that when Black newborns are delivered by Black doctors, they're much more likely to survive, justifying racially discriminatory admissions.
We now know she was wrong🧵
So if you don't recall, here's how Justice Jackson described the original study's findings.
She was wrong to describe it this way, because she mixed up percentage points with percentages, and she's referring to the uncontrolled rather than the fully-controlled effect.
After I saw her mention this, I looked into the study and found that its results all seemed to have p-values between 0.10 and 0.01.
Or in other words, the study was p-hacked.
If you look across all of the paper's models, you see that all the results are borderline significant at best, and usually just-nonsignificant, which is a sign of methodological tomfoolery and results that are likely fragile.
With all that said, I recommended ignoring the paper.
Today, a reanalysis has come out, and it doesn't tell us why the coefficients are all at best marginally significant, but instead, why they're all in the same direction.
The reason has to do with baby birthweights.
So, first thing:
(A) At very low birthweights, babies have higher mortality rates, and they're similar across baby races;
(B) At very low birthweights, babies have higher mortality rates, and they're similar across physician races.
Second thing: Black infants tend to have lower birthweights.
MIxed infants tend to birthweights in-between Blacks and Whites, and there's a mother effect, such that Black mothers have smaller mixed babies than White mothers (selection is still possible)
(A) Black babies with high birthweights disproportionately go to Black doctors;
(B) The Black babies sent to White doctors disproportionately have very low birthweights.
If you control for birthweight when running the original authors' models, two things happen.
For one, they fit a lot better.
For two, the apparently beneficial effect of patient-doctor racial concordance for Black babies disappears:
At this point, we have to ask ourselves why the original study didn't control for birthweight. One sentence in the original paper suggests the authors knew it was a potential issue, but they still failed to control for it.
PNAS also played an important role in keeping the public misinformed because they didn't mandate that the paper include its specification, so no one could see if birthweight was controlled. If we had known the full model details, surely someone would have called this out earlier.
Ultimately, we have ourselves yet another case of PNAS publishing highly popular rubbish and it taking far too long to get it corrected.
Let me preregister something else:
The original paper will continue to be cited more than the correction with the birthweight control.
The public will continue to be misled by the original, bad result. PNAS should probably retract it for the good of the public, but if I had to bet, they won't.
So people like Justice Jackson will continue to cite it to support their case for racial discrimination.
They'll continue doing that even though they're wrong.
This research directly militates against modern blood libel.
If people knew, for example, that Black and White men earned the same amounts on average at the same IQs, they would likely be a lot less convinced by basically-false discrimination narratives blaming Whites.
Add in that the intelligence differences cannot be explained by discrimination—because there *is* measurement invariance—and these sorts of findings are incredibly damning for discrimination-based narratives of racial inequality.
So, said findings must be condemned, proscribed.
The above chart is from the NLSY '79, but it replicates in plenty of other datasets, because it is broadly true.
For example, here are three independent replications:
A lot of the major pieces of civil rights legislation were passed by White elites who were upset at the violence generated by the Great Migration and the riots.
Because of his association with this violence, most people at the time came to dislike MLK.
It's only *after* his death, and with his public beatification that he's come to enjoy a good reputation.
This comic from 1967 is a much better summation of how the public viewed him than what people are generally taught today.
And yes, he was viewed better by Blacks than by Whites.
But remember, at the time, Whites were almost nine-tenths of the population.
Near his death, Whites were maybe one-quarter favorable to MLK, and most of that favorability was weak.
The researcher who put together these numbers was investigated and almost charged with a crime for bringing these numbers to light when she hadn't received permission.
Greater Male Variability rarely makes for an adequate explanation of sex differences in performance.
One exception may be the number of papers published by academics.
If you remove the top 7.5% of men, there's no longer a gap!
The disciplines covered here were ones with relatively equal sex ratios: Education, Nursing & Caring Science, Psychology, Public Health, Sociology, and Social Work.
Because these are stats on professors, this means that if there's greater male variability, it's mostly right-tail
Despite this, the very highest-performing women actually outperformed the very highest-performing men on average, albeit slightly.
The percentiles in this image are for the combined group, so these findings coexist for composition reasons.