Good piece: "none of these prevailing narratives get things quite right. Asia today is uniquely bipolar, dominated by the world’s only two superpowers. Asia is not a European-style concert of powers, a Middle Eastern free-for-all, or a Cold War–era system of opposing blocs." 1/16
"Countries in Asia are for the most part hedging between two giants. The even balance between the United States and China also makes Asia’s power politics the most stable among the major regional theaters." 2/16
"the Lowy Institute created the Asia Power Index, which goes beyond the traditional shorthand measure of economic size... What it reveals is a durable duopoly: the United States has lost primacy in Asia but remains around ten percent more powerful there than China." 3/16
"Scholars have posited that a power transition is triggered when a rising power’s overall strength approaches 80 percent of that of the established power. By 2018, China had already convincingly breached this threshold." 4/16
"But the dynamic is not that of a rising power eclipsing an established one; it is a dynamic of two powers that will likely continue to coexist as peer competitors applying different means of influence: 🇺🇸 mainly uses security partnerships; 🇨🇳 mainly uses economic relationships."
"Asia’s bipolarity has endured even as many have hoped that India & Japan could become pillars in a truly multipolar region. But.. each of those countries has less than a third of China's economic capability.. as well as their technological sophistication." 6/16
"🇮🇳 & 🇨🇳 have the 2 largest militaries in the world by.. personnel. Yet 🇮🇳's ability to project power and influence east of the Strait of Malacca is limited. Neither its military nor 🇯🇵's comes close to matching the capability of 🇨🇳’s PLA or the pace of its recent naval buildup."
"no major powers in the region are able to match China in the absence of the United States as a security guarantor. Without the United States as a balancing force, East Asia would be utterly dominated by China." 8/16
"Yet both Beijing and Washington overestimate the real changes to the United States’ alliance network in Asia. The comparatively small footprint of its alliances—comprising just five countries—has not grown in decades." 9/16
"And the overall size of these U.S. allies’ military forces remains small. When it comes to firepower, as measured by the number of missile launch cells on board ships and submarines, Australia, Japan, and South Korea combined have less than a quarter of the US's capability."
"Washington remains central in every meaningful security grouping in Asia. Most fundamentally, all of the US alliances in Asia continue to be anchored by bilateral security guarantees, in contrast to the collective defense commitment that applies to NATO allies equally." 11/16
"The stability brought about by bipolarity in Asia, which has benefited the United States as much as any other country, is underappreciated. Asia has no shortage of flash points, notably over Taiwan and the South China Sea." 12/16
"these flash points... have not turned into more deadly conflicts. Contrast this relative peace with Europe, where Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine continues. Moscow, no longer able to wield a veto over Europe’s security architecture, has become its arsonist. 13/16
"If the United States were to retreat from Asia, Beijing would still have no clear route to establishing a stable China-centric order. It has territorial or maritime disputes with at least ten other countries in the region." 14/16
"The US no longer enjoys primacy in Asia. But an effort to restore this primacy would be seen by many Asian countries as disastrously revisionist. Instead, 🇺🇸 should develop a strategy that focuses on shoring up its own position as a status quo power, one of two poles in Asia."
"Washington should continue to invest in alliances as part of a strategy to deter China but avoid overestimating the importance of these alliances to the overall balance of power in Asia." 16/16
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“Then there was the Galwan incident of course, and the closeness that builds again. But let’s face it. The US has supported India and past military conflicts before. We did that in 1962 and we were probably pretty supportive in 1999 too. But this was different.” 1/13
“MEA retains a certain predominance when it comes to international negotiation. & so you do have to manage the partnership with them. You have certainly seen an expansion now in terms of the breadth of equities that the Indian government now brings to bear that goes beyond MEA.”
“I think if I could speak candidly, a challenge might have been to not really go around MEA, but to somehow find pathways that were not going to be necessarily blocked by it. I don’t think we have that problem anymore.” 3/13
"The foundations of deterrence theory lie in the Cold War writings of thinkers such as Thomas Schelling... They have been less useful for deterring attacks by nonnuclear powers. And when it comes to nonstate actors, deterrence theory has been downright useless." 1/11
"Nowhere has this been more evident than in the Middle East in recent months, where Iran and its network of proxies have seemed willing to attack US bases & service members, sink commercial ships, launch direct attacks on Israel, and possibly ignite a larger regional war." 2/11
"In 1964 and early 1965, the Johnson administration attempted to apply Schelling’s thinking to North Vietnam, carrying out a series of graduated airstrikes to show that much greater damage would come if Hanoi did not back down." 3/11
Interesting - and bold - idea for the US to lead a global trade coalition against China:
"Only by banding together in a trade defense coalition... can countries with market-based economies protect themselves against China’s predatory practices." 1/14 foreignaffairs.com/china/stopping…
"Leading this effort will require the United States and its allies to set aside the post–Cold War dream of building a fully integrated, maximally efficient global economy." 2/14
"they must focus on constructing a core subsystem of countries that are genuinely committed to the concepts of openness, fairness, and reciprocity and are willing to defend and abide by them. This kind of coalition will be challenging to create, but the alternative is worse.."
"In countries with emerging economies, it has been a shock to see “the land of the free” abandon its traditional skepticism of centralized power and planning and instead promote big government solutions." 1/10 foreignaffairs.com/united-states/…
"Many of these countries, from India to Poland, have not forgotten their own failed trysts with socialism. They were surprised when.. Trump led a revolt against free trade and open borders, and when.. Biden, began promoting.. an “economic mentality that champions building.” 2/10
"Yet as these major countries seem to be retreating from capitalism, there are a few places across the income curve, including Switzerland, Taiwan, and Vietnam, where capitalism still works—and their examples are worth emulating." 3/10
"By the late 2000s, China’s and India’s capabilities, interests, and areas of operation expanded—consequently, so did the canvas on which the two countries interacted. But this did not lead to greater cooperation." 1/10
"Instead, around 2006–9, contestation intensified, with each once side again seeing the other as impinging on its own space." 2/10
"With India enhancing its capabilities too—albeit at a slower pace—this was a period when both countries had a more expansive idea of their diplomatic and geographic space and “rightful place” as re-emerging powers and old civilizations." 3/10
“early evidence suggests that India has deprioritised investments in naval capability in favour of ground and air capabilities since the beginning of a border crisis with China in 2020.” 1/13
“India is not keeping pace with its own earlier rates of naval capability development, let alone accelerating to keep pace with the impending growth of Chinese power in the Indian Ocean.” 2/13
“To manage this emerging risk, India and its partners should focus on deepening cooperation in anti-submarine warfare and undersea warfare. Such cooperation already occurs, but it remains episodic and limited in scope.” 3/13