wanye Profile picture
Oct 4 4 tweets 3 min read Read on X
I remember once being at a bar with a good friend, a good, kind person, and telling her that I had to leave because I was conducting some technical interviews at work the next morning and wanted to be sure I was well rested. She was asking a bit about it, and as I described the process, which by tech standards wasn’t all that rigorous, but which did involve more than one technical round, you could see her face kind of scrunch up. The whole thing clearly sounded elitist and snobby distasteful to her; and after all, “you’re just my buddy who hangs at the bar where we’re all equals, who do you even think you are that you can gatekeep a job in this way?”

The feeling was unmistakable, like that feeling you get when you’re on a date and you know you’re not impressing.

This is the emotion on a broader scale that is underlying a lot of liberal thinking about immigration. When you start talking about vetting, about standards, about earning potential, even about criminality, their faces start to crunch up like, “who do you think you are, anyway? Who are you to judge other human beings? To put a measure on their worth?”

They feel this way about job interviews, about college admissions, about immigration policy. This is why you get into these weird debates where they try to beat you on a technicality with the language of legality. None of that is real, or at least it’s not primary. What’s primary is that feeling they get when you start talking like this. They are extremely emotional about it and the policy follows from the emotion. It’s primary, immediate, reflexive. It’s all in the way their face scrunches up when you mention it.
The idea that they’ve arrived at that position because they understand the contours of the debate better than you, because they know the law, because they have looked at all the data, because they’re just simply moron, gosh darn it, couldn’t be more absurd. Their face scrunches up when you start talking aboutstandards in admissions. It’s involuntary, reflexive. Every single piece of data they’ve ever learned about immigration is marshaled in defense of that initial lowering of the eyes and raising of the corners of their mouth.
I think the most charitable thing you can say about this is that if you felt that feeling, then you would be equally suspicious of anybody who didn’t. It would feel to you internally like an expression of basic kindness and openness to humanity and an absence of it would present as a form of casual sociopathy.

It would take a unique kind of person who was both pretty smart and very good at decoupling their own immediate emotional reactions from policy to feel as they do and not draw that conclusion about the other side. So of course almost none of them are able to avoid it.
My view, of course, is that some amount of this feeling is innate. Some of that innateness is genetic, some of it random. You can be more or less predisposed toward this feeling; and then there is the culture, your friends, what is valued by the institutions you inhabit, what you’re taught in school, what is valued by the society. I think this latter portion is fairly large. We know that people don’t always feel this way in every setting and the people within our own country don’t feel this way in equal measure everywhere. Some of that is down to selection effects, sure, but I think culture plays a big part.

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More from @wanyeburkett

Oct 5
One of my most strongly-held is that beliefs are developed primarily from emotion and that if you felt the same immediate, knee-jerk, emotional responses that your opponents feel on any given issue, then you would believe as they do. You happen to feel different emotional responses, so you’ve developed commensurate beliefs.

Conservatives aren’t particularly good at this, either, but it’s particularly funny that the “veil of ignorance” understanders, who spend 75% of their time on this website talking about how empathetic they are, seem completely unable or unwilling to grant this.
A good exercise to go through is to create a table with three columns labeled, “issue,” ,”my position,” “my emotional response to that issue” and see if you can come up with even one thing for which your emotions do not match up with your preferred policy.
You probably won’t, which is strong evidence that emotions are driving your beliefs, not reason, not data. I think exposure to enough new information, new facts, new data can in the long run change your emotional affect. But the key is getting over that tipping point with the emotional response. That’s when you’ll fully accept the new position. You won’t accept the new position so long as you’re still feeling the old emotional response. You’ve got to get over that hump.
Read 5 tweets
Oct 5
Libertarians were wrong about this. Prohibition decreased alcohol deaths. This is obvious and straightforward and really shouldn’t be controversial. We legalized marijuana and usage went up. We made opiates more available, more people died. When alcohol was prohibited, fewer people drank it and we had fewer alcohol related deaths.

This is very simple stuff.
Obviously you can still oppose prohibition for other reasons. But this is right. There’s a lot of dishonesty about some very basic aspects of drug and alcohol prohibition.
I don’t know how anybody can still hold onto those old libertarian ideas about drug legalization in the wake of the opioid crisis. Here we’re talking about drugs that are literally prescribed by a doctor, in many cases, drugs that are manufactured and sold by large pharmaceutical companies with stringent quality control processes.

And what happened? Total disaster. An explosion of overdoses. People graduating to harder drugs like heroin. Life expectancy gains literally reversed.
Read 4 tweets
Oct 4
What's going on here is that we used to have two categories that our discourse is anchored to:

1. Illegal (crossed the border illegally)
2. Legal (came through as part of an orderly, planned process)

And now we have a third category: the migrant. They often *come* illegally (or quasi-legally, given that all asylum claims, no matter how spurious, have to be taken seriously) and then are granted temporary legal status once here.

This is breaking the distinction we're accustomed to assuming in our discourse.
I would submit that this isn't all that difficult to understand, but there are obvious incentives to obscure it.
Deliberate or not, we used to have a category called "legal" that was pretty straightforward and that referred to one specific thing: an immigrant who came as part of a planned, orderly, limited process.

Now we have a new category called "legal" that includes both those immigrants and also migrants.

This can of course be ignored to great effect.

x.com/mikeymayers/st…
Read 5 tweets
Sep 28
I would encourage the group that’s thinking about forming in response to these most recent attacks to consider carefully what is being suggested here
I don’t know why the fact that Islamic fundamentalists are far too stupid to understand when they’ve lost is supposed to be relevant. I mean, it’s like who are you talking to here? Why is this directed at the west? Why wouldn’t this statement be directed at the successor to Hezbollah as a warning to them that they will be obliterated just like Hezbollah just was?

It tells you everything you need to know that these people think this statement is something the west is supposed to take seriously and not plainly warning to our enemies.
“We keep losing over and over and over again. Every time we lose, we rise back up and lose again. All we do is lose. It’s just death and loss and loss and death and death and death and loss on our part.”

They literally think this is a warning to the west.
Read 4 tweets
Sep 24
The primary cause of homelessness is not a lack of money, it’s a lack of functioning relationships. You become homeless when you’ve burned through everybody in a position to have once cared about you.
Like a lot of poor people, when I was deep in poverty I survived because I had a mother I could move in with for a while, a friend with an air mattress who let me stay with them when I had overstayed my mom’s welcome. When my drug addicted uncle was on the verge of homelessness, he came and stayed with us. When my mother later was kicked out of her boyfriend’s house, she stayed with me for a couple of days, and then with a friend for a while until I could help her get set up with a place.
These stories will be familiar to anybody who has ever had any experience with poverty. This is how people with resources actually survive.
Read 6 tweets
Sep 21
There are like five or six different charts that keep popping up in my feed over the last few days some of which purport to show that mass shooters are disproportionately white and some that show they are disproportionately black. Since I have no idea which of these charts are based on real data and which aren’t, I just want to make a higher level point about this data, more generally, and how it’s used to tell various stories.

Basically, there are two kinds of mass shootings and similarly two kinds of school shootings. The first kind is the more sensational kind that shows up on the news and in our nightmares, where a gunman walks into a public place and starts executing people indiscriminately. These kinds of shootings are relatively rare, if sensational, and the majority of the perpetrators are white.

The other kind of mass shooting is where a shooter is targeting an individual or a group, maybe at school, maybe somewhere else. Maybe it’s a group of people standing on the street corner or at a party. He may only intend to shoot one or two people, but he’s not exactly an expert marksman and he doesn’t care that much if he hits bystanders, so often many people are shot, and it qualifies in the data as a mass shooting. These kinds of shootings are much more common, they make up a much larger share of all homicides in any given year, and the shooters are disproportionately black.

So, basically, what you can do is shift around your definition of, “mass shooting“ depending on what kind of story you want to tell. Progressives do this in order to have it both ways. When they want to tell a story about how common mass shootings are, they use the more inclusive definition to increase the numbers. But when they want to make a racialized point about the whiteness of mass shooters, they use the more narrow definition.
What I’m just describing here is the broad direction of the data. The more kind of sensational, rarer mass shooting, the kind we all picture in our head when we hear the phrase, “mass shooting” — those shooters are indeed disproportionately white.

If you want to include all of the more normal, routine, everyday mass shootings — five people shot at a party, four shot while waiting for the bus, some kids caught in the crossfire on a porch — then those shooters are disproportionately black.

You can obviously chop the data up however you want, but if you lump them all together when you’re trying to make a point about the prevalence of mass shootings, but then separate them when you’re trying to make a racialized point about the unique evils of white people, Then that’s quite plainly dishonest.
And, again, to continue with my theme from the last few days, this kind of deliberate, intentional manipulation of the data in order to obfuscate in support of a racist point about white people will never ever show up on a list of misinformation. You’re of course allowed to do that all you want. It will never be counted as misinformation.
Read 4 tweets

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