This article examines a famous passage in the Hadith that related the canonization of the Quran, where the Uthmanic committee has a disagreement on how to write the word for "Ark".
Insight into loan strategies elucidates the passage.
In the Quran today the Ark of the Covenant is spelled التابوت and pronounced al-tābūt. This is a loanword from the Aramaic tēḇōṯ-ā, likely via Gəʿəz tābōt.
However, reports (which go back to Ibn Šihāb al-Zuhrī (d. 124/741-2)) tell us there was a controversy on how to spell it.
The Medinan Zayd b. Ṯābit wanted to spell it with a final hāʾ: التابوه, while his Quraši colleagues insisted it should be spelled التابوت.
They take it up with ʿUṯmān who says: the Quran was revealed in the Quraysh dialect, so it should be written according to it.
As a result, we now have the spelling التابوت.
But what exactly is going on here? If it was purely an issue of spelling, then "write it according to the dialect of Quraysh" doesn't make sense as an instruction. A spelling doesn't have a "dialect".
Thus the controversy presumably involved an actual dialectal difference. But what was it?
Already early on (e.g. al-Farrāʾ d. 209/822) the report was understood as referring to a pronunciation at-tābūhu, with a final hāʾ instead of at-tābūtu.
This is, however, not easy to make sense of linguistically. We have no evidence of stem-final -t to turn into -h in positions like that, and no other words show the same kind of controversy. Considering the Gəʿəz origin with -it we also don't expect this shift through borrowing.
So I take it from another angle. I look at how other loanwords in the Quran from Aramaic or Gəʿəz which end in word final -ūt or -ōt are borrowed. Here we find two distinct practices:
Either borrowed with -ūt (malakūt, aṭ-ṭāġūt), or with the long feminine ending -āh (miškāh).
As you can see, this feminine ending -āh, in all these words is spelled with ـوة rather than the later Classical spelling ـاة. This spelling has been suggested (by other and myself) to have originally indicated the pronunciation -ōh in pause and -ōt- in context.
Both -ūt- and -ōt-/-ōh# are excellent approximations within the phonology of Quranic Arabic to approximate the Aramaic -ūt/-ōt and especially the Gəʿəz -ōt. From the other loanwords we see that there were two strategies.
It therefore seems that in the process of borrowing tābōt from Gəʿəz, the Medinans (like Zayd b. Ṯābit) chose one strategy (like الصلوة, الزكوة, مشكوة) whereas Quraysh chose the other (like ملكوت, طاغوت).
Already by the late second century this was no longer understood by the specialists of language, which means that it was no longer transparent by that time, and phonetic memory of it was lost. This lack of transparency speaks to the archaicity of this detail in the report.
For some reason the article was not published Open Access, even though Leiden has an agreement with De Gruyter. I'll try to get that fixed ASAP. But as always, you can send me an e-mail and I'll happily share the PDF!
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To what extent was knowledge and transmission of the reading traditions dependent on written works and/or notebooks rather than the semi-oral process of reciting the Quran to a teacher?
In the transmission of Ibn Bakkār from Ibn ʿĀmir the written transmission is very clear. 🧵
The reading of the canonical Syrian reader Ibn ʿĀmir is not particularly well-transmitted. The two canonical transmitters Ibn Ḏakwān and Hišām are several generations removed from Ibn ʿĀmir, and Ibn Ḏakwān never had any students who recited the Quran to him.
Al-Dānī preserves three other transmission paths besides the canonical paths, although all of them only through a single ʾisnād.
The one we are interested in here is Ibn Bakkār's transmission. The ʾisnād is cool, it's transmitted through the fanous exegete Ibn Ǧarīr al-Ṭabarī!
An interesting interplay of orality and written transmission of the Quran that I recently ran into going through the Taysīr, at Q37:123 al-Dānī has a curious statement about the recitation of وان الياس... let's dive in!
al-Dānī says: "Ibn Ḏakwān in my recitation to al-Fārisī from al-Naqqās (sic, Naqqāš) from al-ʾAḫfaš from him: wa-inna lyāsa with removal of the hamzah, and the rest read it with the hamzah (i.e. ʾilyāsa).
And this is what I recited for Ibn Ḏakwān i the path of the Syrians"
"But Ibn Ḏakwān said in his book: "[الياس] is without hamzah. And God knows best what he meant by that."
So... what did he mean by that? The interpretation of al-Dānī's teachers is that it is with ʾalif al-waṣl. But, at least by later wording, that's a weird way of saying it.
Seeing how al-Dānī works his way through competing reports for certain readings is really interesting. There is often a conflict between what he gets from books and oral tradition. Oral tradition does not always win out (though it often does).
Let's look at Q38:46 🧵
al-Dānī starts: "Nāfiʿ and the transmission of Hišām [from Ibn ʿĀmir] in my recitation [to my teachers] read "bi-ḫāliṣati ḏikrā d-dār" (Q38:46) without tanwīn as a construct phrase; the rest read "bi-ḫāliṣatin" with Tanwīn."
However, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī from Ibn Muǧāhid said that Nāfiʿ only removes the nūn.
This is a citation from ibn Muǧāhid's kitāb al-sabʿah, which al-Dānī receives through Muḥammad b. ʿAlī.
And indeed Ibn Muǧāhid does not mention Hišām ʿan Ibn ʿĀmir but only Nāfiʿ!
My current project is collecting a database of vocalised Quranic manuscripts, to study which reading traditions they reflect. A large number (likely the majority) do not represent any known reading traditions from the literary tradition. A thread on one such a reading type. 🧵
When a manuscript has an unknown non-canonical reading, it is typically unique to that manuscript: not a single manuscript is exactly alike. Nevertheless, we do find real 'patterns' among groups of manuscripts, that do things in similar ways that are distinct from known readings.
For example, a large number of manuscripts in the B.II style have an unusual pronominal system where the plural pronouns are long (humū, ʾantumū etc.) and the third person singular suffix -hū never harmonizes (bi-raḥmatihū, fīhu, ʿalayhu), *except* with the preposition bihī.
Ibn al-Bawwāb's quran, following the Classical Arabic orthography (rather than the rasm), spells ʾalif maqṣūrah before suffixes with ʾalif rather than (the Uthmanic) yāʾ. However, sometimes it does not, e.g. in Q79 here: مرساها, تخشاها, ضحاها, BUT: ذكريها. What gives? 🧵
Turns out there is a beautiful perfectly regular distribution!
The Ibn al-Bawwāb Quran is written according to the transmission of al-Dūrī from the reading of ʾAbū ʿAmr.
ʾAbū ʿAmr treats such ʾalifāt maqṣūrah is a special way. He reads them as /ā/ most of the time...
But he reads with ʾimālah, i.e. /ē/ whenever a /r/ precedes.
When the word stands in rhyme position, the /ā/ of such words is pronounced bayna lafẓay, i.e. /ǟ/.
And this distribution explains the spelling in the screenshot above, and throughout this manuscript!
If you look in a printed muṣḥaf today, and you're familiar with modern Arabic orthography, you will immediately be struck that many of the word are spelled rather strangely, and not in line with the modern norms.
This is both an ancient and a very modern phenomenon. 🧵
On the two page spread in the previous post alone there are 25 (if I didn't miss any) words that are not spelled the way we would "expect" them to.
The reason for this is because modern print editions today try to follow the Uthmanic rasm.
During the third caliph Uthman's reign, in the middle of the 7th century, he established an official standard of the text. This text was written in the spelling norms of the time. This spelling is called the rasm.
But since that time the orthographic norms of Arabic changed.