Contrary to a popular mainstream view, China's trade surplus has likely been overstated by hundreds of billions per year dating back more than a dozen years.
This 🧵 is a direct rebuttal against claims that the recent changes in BoP methodology are leading to systematic understatement of its trade and current account surplus.
Instead, I show how the change in methodology has addressed prior distortions.
@IMFNews @Brad_Setser
To understand why, we need to go back to the the 19th century during the first globalization boom.
This was a time when physical trade flows largely matched funds & value flow, as products produced entirely in one region were traded for those produced entirely in others.
Fast forward to present day: Trade has gotten significantly more complex.
Lower friction costs of trade made it possible to separate/outsource different segments of the mfg. value chain.
Int'l tax laws incentived firms to shift profits, which distorts customs data.
This is especially true for China, which became the world's factory floor — with the implication that China is the final destination for most of the world's manufactured consumer goods by global brands before they are shipped all around the world.
The iPhone is one of the best illustrative studies.
This diagram shows how China Customs measures it using physical trade flows.
But if we examine actual fund flows — which is the ultimate objective in measuring trade — China switches from being counted as a large net exporter ($31.2B) of iPhones to a larger importer ($21.6B).
This is a $52.8B swing/distortion for a single product from one company.
Ultimately the direct funds flow approach is more accurate than the physical flows approach.
After all, China Customs' measurement of physical trade flows had merely been used as a proxy for the underlying fund flows & value transfers.
We can further break down the physical vs. fund flows distortions into two key categories.
First, is the overstatement of exports using physical vs. fund flows.
This is driven by the difference b/n customs valuation and actual payments to the contract manufacturer.
While there is some debate on the exact magnitude of the difference between customs value and payments to the contract manufacturer — as it will vary by industry and product — we know that it can only be distorted in one direction (i.e. overstatement).
Customs value cannot go below amounts paid to the contract manufacturer, but it can be much higher.
This was confirmed recently when analyzing differences in custom valuations between the U.S., Japan and Ireland for the iPhone.
Secondly, there is another key distortion on the measurement of imports between physical and funds flows approaches.
This time it is an understatement — which leads to further overstatement of the surplus.
As mentioned earlier, combined these distortions add up to an estimated $52.8B just for the iPhone.
And these distortions are not Apple-specific or limited to bonded zones.
They are features of most relationships between foreign brands and Chinese contract factories.
For example, we see the same phenomenon with global footwear brands like Nike and Adidas that manufacture shoes in China for customers both outside and within China.
Within branded footwear, I calculate a net overstatement of $27.5B.
Less than the iPhone, but still material.
Indeed, we can generally apply this analysis across all sectors where foreign brands contract manufacturing to Chinese factories.
The scope of this net overstatement is large.
I estimate distortions equal to 3.2-4.7% of exports (as measured by China Customs) and 1.1-1.6% of imports, amounting to a combined $142 to 212 billion in '22 — and even this may be quite conservative.
Keeping all of this context in mind, the change in methodology in 2021-22 from using China Customs physical flows data to underlying funds flow data kept by SAFE (e.g. FX transactions and reported financials) was most likely to correct for these known distortions.
Correcting these known, observable distortions is a far more plausible explanation than speculative claims that the methodological changes were made as a way to understate or otherwise hide its trade surplus.
Indeed, as I discussed in my initial thread on the topics a few weeks ago, there are no signs of a the "hidden capital flight" that would be a necessary balancing implication of a current account surplus that is understated by half a trillion dollars.
Instead, this corrects longstanding physical vs. fund flow distortions that have been steadily rising from:
(i) ↗️ exports
(ii) ↗️ use of Chinese contract mfgs, and
(iii)↗️ sophistication of int'l tax optimization strategies via profit shifting to tax havens like Ireland
Indeed, if we apply general assumptions on distortion levels to BoP figures dating back to 2012, we can see how they adjust E&O in a way that is still consistent with known "hidden capital flight" surges like 2015-18 and 2021-22.
Further analysis will be helpful to further refine these assumptions but the general conclusion here is that it is far more likely that Chinese trade surpluses have been overstated rather than understated over the past dozen years.
But in Brad’s adjustment, he compares the Customs surplus (which does not include this adjustment) with the new BoP surplus methodology based on fund flows (which does).
This is not apples to apples.
Thus, adding the full gap between Customs data and (post-adjustment) BoP Surplus double-counts this import understatement adjustment.
My position is that the new methodology properly accounts for the export overstatement and this import understatement.
4. If there are valid reasons, such as the rise of these identified distortions, then making the move to the new methodology that ends up reduces E&O should provide comfort, not arouse suspicion.
E&O could be a function of distorted official measures (such as the customs exports overstatement) or it could be a sign of hidden capital flight.
What doesn’t pass the sanity check are logical implications of Brad’s position that China’s CA surplus should be adjusted by $500B.
I discussed why here. There’s just no smoke / evidence that there is hidden capital flight anywhere close to the $500B that would be required to balance out the proposed adjustment.
I’m happy to change my position if evidence can be found of this, but none has been offered.
I have compiled customs data from OEC for 2022 for some of the larger European countries to fill in some of the remaining gaps.
Est. customs value for iPhone is significantly higher than U.S. (as expected) but also higher than Japan.
This raises the $/unit customs average to $457. I have used this data to update the previous slide: it now covers >90% of exported iPhones from China.
I've tweaked some of the assumptions (BOP as a % of retail, iPhone/Android price ratio) to be even more conservative.
Updated export overstatement of $27B representing ~32% of the customs export value.
Compares to 10-15% on foreign brand exports, which are ~1/3rd of total exports. This is appropriately conservative, as an iPhone has relatively high intangible content.
In other words, it is not just "bonded zones", which are a subset of "factoryless manufacturing" for products like the iPhone where there are large number of finished components that need to be handled logistically.
To calculate the range of potential distortions, I use 10-15% of this $1.1T in exports by foreign-funded entities.
This is actually quite conservative based on the Apple and Nike examples, where intangible asset (e.g. brand, tech) make up the majority of the value.
The value recorded by China Customs for exports is typically based on the Transaction Value method and determined by the importing firm, not by China Customs or the contract manufacturer.
As noted here, intangible value like IP and royalty license should be included in this valuation.
The customs valuation is relevant for the importer because that is the value on which potential duties and VAT are calculated by the importing country.
The Transaction Value (TxV) method is the dominant form to estimate customs valuation, used in “90-95%” of transactions.
It’s discrepancies between TxV — determined by the importer — recorded by China Customs and the price paid to the CM that create export overstatement.
(1) it's actually ~57% today (2025) (2) it was ~81% in 2011 (3) at the current trajectory it is headed to sub-20% over the next decade
China has found a way to grow its economy without incremental emissions, which have plateaued.
This may not be especially titilating for Robin, but I think it is exciting for policymakers in many countries, especially developing ones for whom lack of access to fossil fuels has historically been a growth constraint.
(1) Robin's chart doesn't have a source, and I don't know how he's calculating 65%.
What I do know is that China's power grid will generate ~10.6 PWh in 2025 and solar/wind/hydro/nuclear will account for ~4.6 PWh. This is up from 10.1 PWh and 3.4 PWh, respectively, in 2024.
My suspicion here, given that this is a monthly series, is that Robin is drawing from the NBS monthly data series which he may not know excludes small-scale plants.
These figures are adjusted for in the annual numbers.
Nice tale, but one not supported by data measuring socioeconomic inequality.
Gini coefficient for wages peaked in the late 2000s under Hu.
For a broader version incorporating capital income, it did not peak until 2019 when multi-year efforts to rein in (i) corruption and (ii) uneven land appreciation started to take effect.
There are multiple potential explanations for why trade between China and certain developing countries like Morocco are growing robustly beyond the narrowminded explanation Robin offers below (and consistently, in other threads).
Indeed, the most obvious one is that this is simply a continuation of a multi-decade trend of increasing trade between the two countries.
Often the most obvious explanation is the correct one, and I think that is the case with Morocco (and developing economies in general) as I will explain here in this 🧵.
To prove his "transshipment" hypothesis at this level, Robin needs to provide more than just unsupported assertions.
The obvious approach would be just looking at the key categories that the U.S. imports from China and compare to the large import growth areas in a country like Morocco.
OEC is a nice place to start.
Cursory review of recent growth drivers suggests minimal correlation between the categories that are driving export growth in Morocco (cars, cranes, iron blocks) vs. declines in the U.S. (packaged medicaments, telephones and computers).
Free cash flow is a measure after capital expenditures and incorporates fluctuations in working capital.
Since founding, BYD's modus operandi has been to re-allocate every dollar of operating cashflow + as much capital as it can raise — as non-dilutively as possible — to support the needs of a rapidly growing business.
Frankly, it is financially illiterate to describe re-investment back into a growing business as "losses". Negative cashflow is a cashflow item and — especially if related to CapEx and working capital fluctuations (which I will address below) — is conceptually different from "losses" which is an income statement term.
A better approach is to consider how much long-term capital the company has raised an compare it to the scale of operating capacity that capital has enabled.
We can look at this from BYD's latest balance sheet, which I have summarized here:
To date, BYD has taken in a total of ¥340B in debt and equity funding.
This number includes ~¥82B of ST/LT borrowings and ¥258B of equity (or equity-like) funding.
The equity funding includes ¥107B of "undistributed profit" which is similar in concept to retained earnings (we'll get back to this point in a bit).
For all the flak about "lack of a social welfare safety net", China has one of the lowest pension/retirement ages in the world.
Further, it's hard to imagine that China — a "loud and proud" socialist country — not investing significantly into its social welfare programs in the coming decades, especially as it has officially crossed the "high income" threshold.
Jonathon highlights what I thought was the most interesting point out of the recent communique.
I tend to look at things from a company/sector perspective, and for me this represented the CCP's effort to adapt the vast administrative bureaucracy to align with the operational and realities of shifting sectoral priorities.
Property and infrastructure development were two of the key economic development priorities from the mid-2000s to the early 2020s.
Both property and infrastructure (especially "traditional" infrastructure like highways and bridges) were highly localized in nature. Land is central to both efforts, and land use falls under the jurisdiction of local governments.
Thus, it made sense for executive power to be decentralized to the local governments: Beijing simply cannot effectively manage land development in Guizhou.
This leads to a whole other set of issues, as there is a wide variation in local government competence. The manifestation of these issues has been widely discussed (e.g. LGFVs) but that is not the scope of this thread.
The question here is now that economic development priorities have shifted, how should the bureaucracy adapt from a centralization vs. de-centralization perspective?
And to do that again we need to understand how the differentiated nature of the new priority sectors map against this question of centralized vs. de-centralized administration.