Chad Crowley Profile picture
Nov 6 4 tweets 5 min read Read on X
1/ "For Aristotle, democracy is possible only within homogeneous ethnic groups, while despots reign over fragmented societies." This captures the spirit of Aristotle’s "Politics," written 2,300 years ago—wisdom America and the West must revisit in order to save our civilization!🧵Image
2/ The quote above comes from Guillaume Faye’s "Why We Fight," a powerful articulation often misattributed to Aristotle himself. Yet it captures the essence of Aristotle’s Politics ("Πολιτικά"), where he explores how democracy relies on a cohesive citizenry. For Aristotle, a stable society begins with a unified "ethnos" (ἔθνος)—a people whose distinct values and culture arise from a shared historical and evolutionary experience, shaped over generations. A culture, and thereby a nation, springs directly from its people and their vision for the future. Faye channels this conviction: "A multi-ethnic society is thus necessarily anti-democratic and chaotic, for it lacks philia, this profound, flesh-and-blood fraternity of citizens. Tyrants and despots divide and rule; they want the City divided by ethnic rivalries. The indispensable condition for ensuring a people's sovereignty accordingly resides in its unity. Ethnic chaos prevents all philia from developing."

Aristotle further elaborates on this concept in Politics, categorizing six types of government based on whether rulers pursue the common good or self-interest. When a single man governs justly, he embodies kingship ("basileia," βασιλεία), the noblest form of one-man rule; if he rules selfishly, he devolves into a tyrant ("tyrannos," τύραννος). Similarly, aristocracy ("aristokratia," ἀριστοκρατία) serves all under virtuous rulers but degenerates into oligarchy ("oligarchia," ὀλιγαρχία) when it serves the interests of the wealthy alone.

When the many rule for the common good, Aristotle calls this a polity ("politeia," πολιτεία), a mixed constitution and the most stable and desirable form of government. A polity balances democratic and oligarchic principles, drawing strength from a robust middle class that upholds justice ("dikaiosyne," δικαιοσύνη) and social harmony. In contrast, democracy ("demokratia," δημοκρατία) arises when the majority rules in its own interest, redistributing wealth at the expense of cohesion and encouraging factionalism.

Both democracy and oligarchy serve single classes, eroding the welfare of the "polis" ("πόλις," city-state). Democracy becomes a vehicle for the poor to exploit the wealthy, undermining justice and civic unity ("philia," φιλία), while oligarchy entrenches the power of the wealthy, deepening social divisions. Though livable, both forms compromise "areté" ("ἀρετή," virtue) and the common good. Their leaders often lack "phronesis" ("φρόνησις," practical wisdom), falling prey to factionalism and instability.

Thus, Aristotle envisions the polity as the highest attainable form—a government grounded in moderation ("metrios," μέτριος) and civic friendship ("philia," φιλία), harmonizing the virtues of both the many and the few to forge a just, enduring society. This unity relies on an ethnoculturally cohesive citizenry; as Faye argues, in a multi-ethnic society, philia disintegrates, allowing despots to exploit division. For Aristotle, as echoed by Faye, the polity demands a unified, ethnoculturally cohesive citizenry.Image
3/ Aristotle’s concept of the polity ("politeia," πολιτεία) represents an ideal balance, integrating democratic and oligarchic elements to forge a stable constitution that serves the entire community. In Politics, Aristotle presents the polity as the path of moderation, countering extremes to foster a society free from class antagonism and factionalism.

Central to the polity is moderation ("metrios," μέτριος), which avoids the pitfalls of unchecked democracy (where the majority rules for itself) and oligarchy (where the few do likewise). This moderation cultivates philia (φιλία), or civic friendship—a unity that transcends laws, drawing strength from shared culture and ethnicity. In a polity, this philia binds citizens through a shared identity, forming a cohesive body politic rather than a field of competing factions.

Aristotle’s ideal polity is grounded in "areté" (ἀρετή, virtue) and "logos" (λόγος, reason), with a "telos" (τέλος, purpose) aimed at achieving human flourishing. A large, virtuous middle class acts as a stabilizing force against the extremes of wealth and poverty, safeguarding justice ("dikaiosyne," δικαιοσύνη) and ensuring that governance aligns with the interests of all.

For Aristotle, the polity stands as the most "kalos" (καλός, noble) form of government, reflecting the unity and virtue of its people. Its stability depends on underlying ethnocultural coherence; a society divided along ethnic lines lacks the philia essential for a polity to function effectively. Without unity, factionalism reigns, leaving power to those who exploit division for control.Image
4/ Applying Aristotle’s concept of a polity to modern America (and the West more broadly) underscores the need for governance rooted in balance, moderation, and civic unity—qualities sorely absent in a demographically Balkanized democracy, found primarily in the Western world (with some exceptions like Singapore and a few other polities).

A polity-centered government resists the whims of competing, volatile, heterogeneous majorities, maintaining a stable middle ground where different economic classes of the same ethnos contribute to the common good. Unlike mass democracy, which shifts with populist demands, a polity relies on a strong, virtuous middle class to provide balanced representation, insulating governance from extremes.

Moreover, an American polity would demand a shared cultural and ethnic foundation—an ethnocultural demographic homogeneity. As Faye notes, Aristotle argued that democracy can only thrive within homogeneous groups; where society fragments, philia fails, and unity disintegrates. Multi-ethnic societies inevitably collapse into factionalism, with each group prioritizing its own interests over the common good, transforming governance into a demographically Balkanized spoils system—a zero-sum game where each faction strives for its own gain. This erosion of philia leaves society vulnerable to despots who exploit division for power. For America, a true polity could succeed only if it rested on a shared ethnocultural identity that fosters solidarity.

In advocating for a polity, we argue for a system that prioritizes the common good, transcending economic and ideological divides, and grounded in cultural and ethnic bonds. Such a system would cultivate "philia," reinforcing the civic friendship essential to just governance. Only through this unity can a polity withstand divisive forces and guide a nation toward genuine common welfare.Image

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More from @CCrowley100

Nov 8
1/ "Breaking the Deep State." It’s time to burn it all down. Let's examine President Trump's plan to dismantle it.🧵
2/ Before we begin, let’s define the "deep state"—admittedly a "boomer-tier" term, but one that captures a harsh reality. The deep state refers to an entrenched network of unelected officials, career bureaucrats, and intelligence operatives who act as a shadow government, wielding power beyond the reach of elected authority. It has grown since the early 20th century, solidifying after World War II with the creation of institutions like the CIA and NSA under the dubious banner of national security.

Over decades, these agencies have amassed unchecked influence, acting autonomously and often outside democratic control. Presidents may come and go, but these agencies remain, steering policy and undermining elected leaders. This permanent power center undercuts the very spirit of America.

The bottom line: it has to go, and soon.Image
3/ President Trump’s plan aims to shatter the entrenched power of the deep state, breaking bureaucratic strongholds and restoring government accountability. While most of these reforms could be achieved by executive authority, imposing congressional term limits would likely require a constitutional amendment.

Trump’s Deep State Reform Blueprint:

-Restore presidential authority to remove bureaucrats

-Purge corruption in national security agencies

-Reform FISA courts to prevent misuse

-Expose government hoaxes and abuses

-Crack down on unauthorized leaks

-Ensure Inspector General independence

-Create independent audits for intelligence agencies

-Decentralize federal offices beyond D.C.

-Ban revolving-door jobs for bureaucrats

-Impose congressional term limits (most likely requiring a constitutional amendment)Image
Read 13 tweets
Nov 5
1/ The "Metaphysics" of Martin Heidegger:

Martin Heidegger argued that Western metaphysics inevitably leads to nihilism. By reducing "Being" to objective frameworks, metaphysics strips existence of intrinsic meaning, pushing thought into a crisis. Let's discuss! 🧵Image
2/ Nihilism and Metaphysics as Allies, Not Opposites:

Nihilism, the collapse of values and shared meaning, is usually seen as metaphysics’ opposite. But Heidegger contends that metaphysics itself, through objectification, actually breeds nihilism.Image
3/ Nietzsche as a Bridge to Nihilism’s Peak:

In "The Eternal Recurrence of the Same and the Will to Power," Heidegger sees Nietzsche's ideas as the culmination of metaphysics, marking the endpoint of its descent into nihilism, not a break from it.Image
Read 14 tweets
Oct 28
1/ Written in 98 AD, Tacitus' "Germania" offers a rare glimpse into the lives of early Germanic tribes. Its journey through the centuries, marked by controversies and rediscoveries, tells a story as compelling as its content. Let’s explore! Image
2/ Authored by the Roman historian and aristocrat Cornelius Tacitus (c. 55–c. 117 AD), only a fragment of his extensive writings has defied time’s erosion. The surviving works divide into major compositions—"Histories and Annals," which chronicle the upheavals of Rome from 14 to 96 AD—and the minor works: "The Dialogue on Orators," "Agricola," and "Germania." Tacitus held influential offices, serving as quaestor in 79, praetor in 88, consul in 97, and later as governor of Asia (modern-day western Turkey) from 112 to 113. His position within Rome’s elite offered him invaluable insights into the Empire’s political machinery and its provinces.

Yet "Germania" holds a distinct place among his works. Not a typical book, it’s a terse but powerful treatise on the Germanic tribes. In contrast, Tacitus’ "Agricola"—a work of similar length—focuses on Roman Britain, specifically the conquests of his father-in-law, the general Agricola, who governed Britannia from 77 to 85 AD.

Since its rediscovery in the Renaissance, "Germania" has profoundly influenced Western understanding of early Germanic tribes. This text remains the most comprehensive ancient account on the customs, governance, and geography of the Germanic world, marking northern Europe’s entry into recorded history roughly five centuries after Homer and Herodotus documented the Greeks. It stands as a bridge between archaeology, oral tradition, and historical record, bringing to life a previously shadowed region.

Tacitus admires the Germanic tribes’ simplicity, valor, loyalty, and austere honor, a stark contrast to Rome’s indulgent imperial society, which he saw as a degraded form of the once-virile Republic. His perspective endures—some scholars note that in Tacitus’ works, only Agricola and the Germans are portrayed as possessing true virtue.

Tacitus’ understanding was shaped by various sources. By his era, knowledge of northern Europe had grown through firsthand accounts of military commanders, whose memoirs circulated in Rome, akin to Caesar’s Commentaries. Diplomacy also brought Germanic leaders to the capital and sent Roman envoys to Germanic courts. Meanwhile, Roman merchants, who ventured deep into Germanic lands, likely contributed their own perspectives, often as insightful as those of the soldiers and officials.Image
3/ Before Tacitus penned his account, the ancient view of the Germanic tribes had been shaped by a few notable figures, though often only in fragments. A first-century BC Hellenistic polymath from Syria, Poseidonius, is thought to be the first to distinguish the Germans from the Celts. However, most of his writings survive only in quotes from later authors.

Julius Caesar, for his part, barely ventured beyond the Rhine, so his knowledge of the Germans, recorded in "De Bello Gallico" ("On the Gallic War," c. 50 BC), was limited and largely impressionistic. Pliny the Elder’s "Bella Germaniae" ("German Wars," written in the 60s–70s AD) may have offered the most detailed early Roman account of the Germanic tribes, but this work has unfortunately been lost. Pliny, regarded as Rome’s foremost scientific authority, had served as a military officer in Germany, and his experiences there informed his writings. Stationed near Naples when Vesuvius erupted, he sailed toward the volcano to investigate, perishing in the fumes—a testament to his relentless pursuit of knowledge.

Following Germania, the next significant work to address northern Europe was "Geography," written by the Alexandrian polymath Claudius Ptolemy in the 2nd century AD. Known for advancing the Ptolemaic model of the cosmos, Ptolemy’s Geography documented an extensive survey of the region, listing 69 tribes and 95 locations, along with natural features like rivers. Many of these tribes are mentioned nowhere else in surviving records.

From late antiquity onward, no cohesive study of the Germanic peoples has survived—if any was ever written. The migrations that transformed Europe over centuries were recorded sporadically, leaving historians to piece together a fragmented view of the ancient Germanic world.Image
Read 8 tweets
Oct 25
1/ "What is true, just, and beautiful is not determined by popular vote. The masses everywhere are ignorant, short-sighted, motivated by envy, and easy to fool." With that said, let's discuss Hans-Hermann Hoppe's excellent work "Democracy: The God That Failed." 🧵 Image
2/ Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s "Democracy: The God That Failed: The Economics and Politics of Monarchy, Democracy, and Natural Order remains essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the forces of decay plaguing Western civilization. Although I am not a libertarian, Hoppe’s incisive critique of democracy captures the ideological and structural flaws undermining our society.

In Hoppe’s view, the state is a malign institution regardless of its form. Yet, monarchy—a system where authority is centralized and constrained within a single family or lineage—is comparatively less corrupt than democracy. His work presents a sweeping history of governance, moving from the organic hierarchies of aristocracy to the restrained power of monarchy, and ultimately to the anarchic exploitation of modern liberal democracy—a system that has swelled into the monstrous leviathan state we face today.

"Democracy: The God That Failed" makes two core arguments: first, that government is inherently harmful, parasitic, and should be abolished; and second, that monarchy, with its limitations on unchecked power, tempers the destructive impulses of the state far more than democracy, which actively encourages pandering, corruption, and short-sighted plunder. In Hoppe’s analysis, the transition from monarchy to democracy does not represent societal “progress” but rather a disturbing decline—a descent from restrained, ordered governance into chaos, irresponsibility, and decline.Image
3/ Hoppe’s foundational argument against government is rooted in its very nature: as a "compulsory territorial monopoly on ultimate decision-making and property rights violations." To Hoppe, all governments inherently exist to violate private property rights, entrenching institutionalized exploitation that drives society toward what he terms “decivilization.”

Breaking this down, Hoppe identifies several core critiques:

Sanctity of Private Property: For Hoppe, private property is the bedrock of any genuinely free society. He argues that every government action—be it taxation, regulation, or eminent domain—constitutes a direct assault on property rights, making government an affront to personal sovereignty. By its very nature, government imposes itself as an unwanted intermediary between individuals and their property, undermining the moral framework on which civilization is built.

Erosion of Freedom and Sovereignty: Centralized power strips individuals of real self-determination, subordinating them to the caprices of a ruling elite. Hoppe warns that as government assumes more authority, individual freedoms are continuously whittled away, making the state an engine of subjugation rather than a protector of liberty.

Economic Inefficiency and Monopoly: Hoppe criticizes government monopolies, particularly in critical areas like defense and justice, for their bloated inefficiency and inflated costs. Unlike private entities in a competitive market, government agencies lack incentive to operate efficiently, leaving society to bear the weight of their incompetence.

Compulsory Obedience: Unlike voluntary associations, government enforces compliance through coercion. Taxes, regulations, and legal mandates are imposed without consent, cementing the state’s role as a forceful overseer rather than a servant of the public.

Expansion Toward Tyranny: Finally, Hoppe underscores government’s inherent tendency to expand. Power, once centralized, seeks to grow unchecked. This insatiable growth invariably veers toward tyranny, accumulating power as liberty steadily erodes under the guise of safety and stability.Image
Read 6 tweets
Oct 24
1/ "Rhodesia will never surrender!" Meet PK van der Byl: aristocrat, eccentric, and soldier-statesman. Before Ian Smith sidelined him, PK was the iron backbone of Rhodesia—a living symbol of resistance against a world eager to see Rhodesia fall. Image
2/ Born in 1923 into one of the oldest Cape Dutch families in South Africa, PK van der Byl was an aristocrat to the core. Universally known as "PK" and sporting colorful nicknames like "The Tripod" for his notorious love of women and "The Piccadilly Dutchman" for his Anglicized style, he masterfully fused Afrikaner heritage with British elegance.

His father, Major Piet van der Byl, was a minister in Jan Smuts’s cabinet, while his mother hailed from a distinguished military family. Tall, striking, and sharp-witted, PK's devilish humor and flamboyant flair made him a larger-than-life figure wherever he went.Image
3/ PK fought in World War II for South Africa, serving with the British Army’s 7th Hussars in Italy and Austria. After the war, he read law at Cambridge’s Pembroke College, where his aristocratic charm won many admirers.

Though women flocked to him, his greatest catch came later—Princess Charlotte of Liechtenstein, whom he married in 1979. PK’s move to Rhodesia as a tobacco farmer was his step toward politics, where he became a key figure in the pro-White rule Rhodesian Front party.Image
Read 15 tweets
Oct 22
Aesthetics as Demonization and Demoralization

1/ Post-war Germany can be examined through the contrasting perspectives of Hans-Jürgen Syberberg, a German filmmaker and cultural historian, and Theodor Adorno, the Jewish-Marxist co-founder of the Frankfurt School.Image
Image
2/ Syberberg observes that despite Germany's "economic miracle" following WW2, its culture, and people remains a hollow shell. German culture is engineered to be an exercise in humiliation to keep the German people in eternal bondage and servitude. Image
3/ Syberberg notes, "Germany had for too long been forbidden to grieve for its own losses, while the Jews, on the other hand, have been allowed to commemorate the massacre of their people as a turning point in world history." Image
Image
Read 9 tweets

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