Today, on the 1,000 day of the war, I addressed the Ukrainian Parliament and emphasized, that we do not trade our sovereignty, security, or future. Ukraine will not abandon its rights to its territory, nor will we allow our nation to be exploited in anyone’s political battles. 
Ukrainian people have endured 1,000 days of this war. They have not broken. They have not surrendered. They have not lost their statehood. This is a feat of our nation—a testament to the strength of millions. Every Ukrainian deserves gratitude.
Yesterday, I visited Pokrovsk, Kupiansk, and the positions of our soldiers near these cities. For months, these areas have been under immense pressure. It is there, and on the adjacent defensive lines in Donetsk and Kharkiv regions, that Russia has suffered its greatest losses of the war.
We all know why the enemy pays such a high price here. They seek to destroy our resilience. But Ukrainian steadfastness from Kupiansk to Pokrovsk, extending to Zaporizhzhia, is laying the groundwork for a just end to this war.
This resilience is not just about our soldiers. No one doubts their heroism. We are proud of each Ukrainian warrior, proud of our entire nation. But now, we need resilience of the entire Ukraine.
In the decisive moments - and they will be next year - we cannot afford to let the world doubt the resilience of all of Ukraine. At this stage of the war, it will be decided—who will prevail. Either we will overpower the enemy, or the enemy will overpower us, Ukrainians, Europeans, and everyone in the world who wants to live freely and not under the rule of a dictator.
This is not just about individual cities or regions. This battle is about all of Ukraine, all of Europe, about order or chaos for the entire world. While the world waits for a miracle from Trump, we must work—relentlessly, every single day. As a whole nation, we must strengthen the resilience of our entire state.
Victory is impossible in isolation. Only in unity can we achieve it. This is a war that determines the fate of our entire nation. And no one should and will be able to solve it for us. Ukraine has been and will be an independent state with its own destiny.
Ukraine will decide on its own how to live. Ukraine has the right to this. Ukraine has earned this right. But to realize this right, we must endure now. We must not crumble now. Let it be the occupier who collapses, not us. We need internal resilience.
1,000 days. We have changed. We corrected the historical mistakes of past generations who fought for this nation. We did not lose unity. We did not turn against one another. Therefore, we did not become internally weak. This is why we can defeat Russia.
Unity begins with people. Tragically, many of the strongest bearers of Ukrainian unity and spirit have fallen. They gave their lives for the life of Ukraine. Each such loss took away a part of our consolidation, from Ukrainian confidence.
Their sacrifices add irreversibility to our transformation. We owe it to them to do more and to endure. Their losses demand that all of us compensate for what they can no longer do.
Unity is the first point of our internal Resilience Plan. Without unity, we cannot achieve the necessary results of the Victory Plan, which has previously been presented to our partners.
In every war, there are things that only the people themselves can do to avoid defeat, and there are things that require unity with allies. That’s why we need two documents: what we expect from ourselves, and what we expect from our partners.
Our internal unity must always be strong enough to unite our partners. The world can ignore individual voices but not an entire nation that knows what it wants, works together, and achieves its goals. Ukraine has proven this.
There is a fundamental connection between our unity and how it inspires the unity of others—especially in Europe, America, and beyond, from Argentina to Japan. When we united for our defense, we also united others.
The Ukrainian flag is recognized worldwide. Behind it, people see strength. This would not have been possible without our unity. Without it, Europe wouldn’t have become so strong in defending shared positions and values.
Not long ago, it was common to hear that the EU was incapable of handling crises or enduring challenges. But the EU has exceeded expectations, just as Ukraine has. Much of this success stems from our unity here in Ukraine.
Facing the challenges of February 24, 2022, we refused to give in. As a result, Europe increasingly sees itself as a global actor and moves toward greater autonomy. NATO has become indispensable for all in Europe who seek both freedom and security.
The world is searching for new formats of cooperation. Ukraine has offered its own: the Peace Formula, which has united 100 countries and international organizations. I thank everyone who has worked for this and everyone who has supported it.
Because of our unity, much of the world now understands better than ever that peace is not a gift or inheritance—it requires effort, and that effort must be based on unity. We have achieved the closest ties with the EU and NATO in the history of our independence.
All necessary architecture for negotiations with the EU is in place, and we must move dynamically. Soon, we will complete the screening process of Ukraine’s legislation. By early 2025, we aim to open negotiations on the first cluster, with the second and subsequent clusters following without delay.
Ukraine must become the fastest country to join the EU. To achieve this, everyone in Ukraine must act quickly in adopting and implementing decisions that will transform the state. Key principles and decisions for these transformations will be outlined in the eurointegration section of the Resilience Plan.
Equally vital for us is Ukraine’s right to NATO membership. The Victory Plan begins with the immediate invitation of Ukraine to the Alliance. This invitation is a political step, not one that fundamentally changes the security landscape for partners or means for Ukraine the immediate activation of Article 5 of the NATO Treaty.
Although this is exactly what our people deserve, to be honest, - collective defense. Ukraine protects the collective way of life in Europe every day, safeguarding the right of every European nation to live freely and peacefully with its neighbors.
This includes: a tribunal against Russia, confiscation of Russian assets, effective sanctions, spiritual independence, cultural diplomacy, countering disinformation, reforming state communications, and transforming institutions. None of this is possible without collaboration with civil society.
State decisions must be based on top expertise. We have already established formats for joint work between government and society, but we need more of these formats. The Resilience Plan will be detailed with the participation of civil society, business, cultural communities, media, and human rights defenders.
One effective example of such cooperation is the electronic transfer system in our Armed Forces. The “Army+” app has already facilitated over 500 transfers in its first days. In total, 410,000 servicemen have used the app, involving 1,400 military units and processing 25,000 reports.
Key features of “Army+” include electronic reports, an online learning module, and soldier surveys. The Defense Forces are also preparing a new personnel promotion system - without linking ranks to positions. This system represents how digitalization not only streamlines processes but also builds trust between the state and society.
I’ve instructed the Defense Forces and Security Command to expand the functionality of “Army+” to all Defense and Security Forces, including the National Guard, with a focus on transfers.
Reforming human resource management in the Armed Forces and sharing best practices across all units is a central task of our defense policy. Every commander highlights the same priority: personnel, training, and brigade staffing.
We must address challenges honestly, whether related to mobilization, unauthorized abandonment of a unit, or personnel shortages. Problems must be solved, not silenced, and causes must be identified and addressed.
The Ministry of Defense and military leadership must appoint a military ombudsman—a trusted figure for society. I expect this decision soon. Confidential mechanisms for soldiers to address rights violations must also be established within the Defense Forces.
The Ministry of Defense should also introduce a new service contract system for citizens below mobilization age who wish to contribute to Ukraine’s defense. These contracts will include strong motivational incentives.
To clarify, our state is not lowering the mobilization age. Instead, we aim to gradually transition to an army predominantly based on contracts rather than mobilization.
The Resilience Plan’s sections on the frontlines and weaponry will be among the most extensive, but much of it will remain classified. These measures include stabilizing the frontlines, conducting necessary operations in temporarily occupied territories and Russia, and enhancing the technological capabilities of our forces.
In the most intense frontline areas, up to 90% of enemy equipment losses are now due to drones. FPV and other drones compensate for our artillery shortages. I am deeply grateful to those producing, supplying, and training operators for drones.
This sector, which started as individual efforts to help Ukraine, has grown into a systemic advantage. But we must continue fostering individual leadership and innovation to stay ahead in the technological race with Russia.
Yesterday, on the frontline, I discussed drones and innovation with brigade commanders. Brigades often respond more quickly to their own needs, which is why we will increase direct funding for brigades to independently procure drones.
The state provides a significant number of drones, and volunteers contribute greatly as well. However, brigades themselves are often the fastest in identifying and fulfilling their specific needs.
I call on commanders at all levels of our Defense and Security Forces to listen to the innovative ideas of subordinates, protect those driving technological progress, and share the experiences of the best companies and battalions across brigades. Innovation and adaptability are key to maintaining our advantage. Every step forward in technology strengthens our ability to protect Ukraine.
Ukraine is already doing its utmost to increase the production of artillery and ammunition, both independently and in partnership with allies. This year alone, we have produced over 2.5 million mortar rounds and artillery shells ranging from 60mm to 155mm, and we are scaling up production.
We are also scaling up everything related to drones. Next year, Ukraine will produce at least 30,000 long-range drones. We have set the goal of manufacturing no fewer than 3,000 cruise missiles and drone-based rockets.
Just as we achieved this year’s targets for drone production and supply, we will fully meet these goals in the upcoming year. Ukrainian soldiers are already using our FPV drones to shoot down Russian reconnaissance drones, and we are exploring ways to target Shaheds with FPV drones.
Regarding our missile program, many are familiar with Ukraine’s “Neptunes,” but we have now developed “long-range Neptunes.” The name itself reflects the mission, and they’ve already struck their targets. I am proud of our developers and missile manufacturers.
I visit our defense enterprises almost monthly. These facilities are, of course, classified, but I want you to know that I personally thank the workers there on behalf of all Ukrainians. They are not just building weapons—they are safeguarding Ukraine’s independence.
However, increasing production alone is not enough. We must outpace Russia in technology. Today, we often react to their technological solutions; instead, we need to force them to react to ours. This is the core ideology of the “Weapons” section of the Resilience Plan.
To achieve this, we are launching the “Technological Staff” format in Ukraine. This initiative will regularly bring together the best experts and the most promising technological ideas. The first meeting will take place in early December.
A strong defense-industrial complex is critical to ensuring Ukraine’s independence in choosing its military strategy. Implementing the military components of the Victory Plan and Resilience Plan will provide real strategic deterrence against Russia.
Even without nuclear weapons, we can develop conventional tools for deterrence. Our weapons will always be our primary guarantor of security. To support this, we are building a reliable financial foundation, channeling both domestic investments into weapons production and attracting foreign partners.
Today, I will meet with Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, who has arrived in Ukraine to support us on this symbolic 1,000th day of full-scale war and to deepen our cooperation. Denmark has become one of Ukraine’s most reliable defense partners, and we are all grateful to Mette for this.
Thanks to the Danish model, Ukraine’s defense-industrial complex has already attracted over $1 billion from partner countries, with Norway recently joining the effort. We must open our defense industry to full-fledged partnerships.
For instance, if we can jointly produce thousands of missiles annually with the UK or the United States, then such partnerships, even within the state-owned sector, are vital. Over 40 foreign defense companies are now operating in Ukraine, alongside more than 600 domestic companies, creating 300,000 jobs in the defense sector. This is a historic achievement for Ukraine.
We must all be grateful to every Ukrainian entrepreneur, to everyone who preserves and creates jobs across all sectors of Ukraine’s economy. Despite the immense challenges of war, Ukraine’s economy maintains its fundamental resilience, but it requires a new economic policy based on key principles.
Maximizing support for Ukrainian businesses, localization, and domestic production. Ukrainian producers need greater access to public procurement markets—everything that can be made in Ukraine should be made in Ukraine and purchased from Ukrainian producers.
Consistent deregulation and protection of entrepreneurial freedom are needed, which will be reflected in economic growth. A gradual reduction in the share of government redistribution of GDP is needed.
Ensuring business security and reducing pressure on businesses from all state institutions that oversee activities rather than create added value themselves. The attractiveness of Ukraine’s jurisdiction and the ability to attract investments are inseparable from the protection of every legitimate business operating in the country.
Honesty in the relationship between the state and business. We aim for maximum legal employment and the reduction of the shadow economy, but this cannot be achieved through force alone. Incentives for transparency, rather than additional pressure, are necessary.
Such economic policies can lead to sustainable growth, sufficient to meet Ukraine’s defense needs, and preserve human capital by enabling Ukrainians to fulfill their potential within the country. A strong economy requires respect for entrepreneurship and entrepreneurs. This is not merely about economic decisions—it is about decisions shaping the future.
Another aspect of Ukraine’s economic strength is the state’s ability to fulfill its social obligations, primarily through taxes and revenues. These funds are directly linked to defense and security. Every tax paid funds salaries for our soldiers.
Although Ukraine cannot fully finance itself during wartime, we have guaranteed complete financial support for this year and the next. There are no financial risks to the Defense and Security Forces, regardless of global political turbulence.
All salaries and pensions will be paid according to law. We have prepared a Winter Support Package for the people. In March 2025, as every year, pensions will be indexed to match inflation. Next year, we will expand state programs supporting businesses and consumers. For example, the “5-7-9” program became the only source of affordable business loans last year and has now shifted towards investment goals.
Over 1,000 Ukrainian producers have purchased new equipment through a grant program supporting the processing industry. Programs like “Made in Ukraine” and “National Cashback” bolster domestic producers and foster pride in Ukrainian manufacturing.
The “eOselya” program not only helps Ukrainians become homeowners but also stimulates demand for construction materials and labor. The “ePidtrymka” program will also be reinstated, benefiting millions of Ukrainians.
Implementing our economic strategy focused on enhancing economic freedom, reducing excessive regulation, and empowering Ukrainian entrepreneurship will significantly improve the state’s social capabilities and national prosperity. All of this will be reflected in the “Money” section of the Resilience Plan.
The Resilience Plan consists of six additional key points: Energy – This is the most confidential section due to Russia’s criminal attempts to throw Ukraine into a blackout. Security – it addresses internal security within our cities and communities. Communities – dedicated to the interaction between the state and local self-governance.
Human Capital – focuses on our strategic mission to create all the necessary conditions for Ukrainians of all generations and backgrounds to live, and develop in Ukraine. Cultural Sovereignty – the logical outcome of a growing human capital base in Ukraine.
Policy of Heroes – the final point summarizes the journey of our state and people over 1,000 days of this war while establishing a moral foundation for Ukraine’s future.
Together, these ten points of the Resilience Plan, along with their corresponding attachments, will form Ukraine’s first doctrine—a comprehensive roadmap to guide our nation from war to peace.
“Energy” – the lifeblood of any modern nation and a crucial point in the Resilience Plan. For security reasons, even less can be shared about this than about the frontlines. The most important thing: gratitude. To every repair crew, every worker in Ukraine’s energy companies, and everyone worldwide who helps Ukraine overcome the consequences of Russia’s attacks on our energy sector.
Russia’s army has already carried out over 1,000 strikes on Ukraine’s energy facilities, 900 targeted attacks on electricity transmission infrastructure, more than 220 attacks on generation facilities.
Since the full-scale invasion, Russia has occupied nearly 18 gigawatts of energy capacity in Ukraine. Yet our people are doing everything to keep the lights on. Every person working for Ukraine’s energy sector deserves our deepest gratitude.
On protection: monumental efforts have been made. Details will remain undisclosed for security reasons. A closed supplement to this point of the Resilience Plan will contain restricted information to ensure control over processes. The goal is clear: through all forms of protection, we must adapt to the persistent threat of Russian terror. Responsibility for achieving this is personal and unequivocal.
By the end of the year, energy resilience passports for all Ukrainian regions will be ready— for the first time in Ukraine. These passports will provide the foundation for regions to withstand energy challenges. In 2025, these passports will be implemented, addressing generation needs for both electricity and heat. This includes decentralizing energy generation.
Energy consumption management is another critical area. Promoting responsible energy use is a state obligation. Energy efficiency is not about “someone else”—it’s about each of us.
Ukraine as an energy hub: Our energy potential positions Ukraine among Europe’s key geopolitical players. This is a long-term vision for the post-war period, but the groundwork must begin now. Nuclear energy remains an obvious priority.
Natural gas: Increasing production, integrating our storage infrastructure with European practices, and maintaining our gas transmission system for domestic needs. Oil: Expanding production and restoring refining capabilities—a challenging but achievable task.
Naftogaz Group enterprises have improved their performance significantly. Particular recognition goes to Ukrnafta, which, since nationalization, has achieved its best-ever results.
In 2023-2024, Ukrnafta paid 78 billion UAH in taxes and fees, posted a net profit of 43 billion UAH, and consistently contributes dividends to the state budget—even during wartime. These figures reveal the scale of funds previously stolen from Ukrnafta during decades of inadequate state oversight.
The energy section of the Resilience Plan will be detailed through a combination of closed and open supplements, together forming a clear energy roadmap for Ukraine in the coming years.
“Security” – Internal security in Ukraine. A safe public space and the protection of private life are fundamental needs. This direction can be divided into three parts: Ukraine today, post-war Ukraine, and Ukraine of sustainable and reliable peace.
During the war, steps to ensure internal security are partially open information. This involves the Security Service of Ukraine, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and all law enforcement agencies. Their hard work prevents the enemy from undermining life in Ukraine.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs, in cooperation with other institutions, is implementing a new nationwide system: safe region, safe city, and safe community. The goal is to ensure a proper level of protection in Ukraine’s public spaces.
Top priority: Security in educational institutions, especially schools across the country. A police presence in schools – mandatory. A police presence in communities – mandatory. People need to see and know who guarantees safety for them and their children.
The security section of the Resilience Plan also includes detailed work on shelters. This involves modernizing standards, reconstructing, and building an adequate number of new shelters.
A fundamental yet straightforward project is metal detector frames at the entrances of schools, other educational institutions, and public buildings across Ukraine. This is a cornerstone of safety culture. Government officials, regional authorities, and local governments must present clear timelines for implementing this project to ensure the safety of Ukrainians.
Regarding the post-war period: Ukraine will compete globally for people, investments, and overall attractiveness. Internal security must become a competitive advantage for Ukraine. We must ensure landmine contamination does not become a generational issue. Ukraine needs leadership in demining technologies and production.
While we aim to end this war justly, even under the best scenarios, we will remain neighbors with Russia. Ukrainians must not rely on changes within Russia. Strengthening Ukraine’s state border, educating citizens in civil protection and first aid, and deploying a system of basic military training are long-term necessities. This is not about fear but about confidence and calm.
“Communities” – The resilience of our entire state must be built on the maximum efficiency of governance in communities. People must feel that their community exists for them. To ensure this, we have created a special institution to consider the interests of every community in state decisions – the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities.
The Congress ensures that every community’s voice is heard by all state institutions. During the war, frontline communities and those near the Russian border require special support. Communities hosting the largest numbers of displaced persons need tailored solutions to foster better integration.
Income disparities between communities, driven by business relocation and proximity to the frontlines, necessitate specific principles for state-community interaction during wartime.
There is also an international component to community work that is growing steadily: cooperation with communities in partner countries and with those that have taken responsibility for the recovery of specific Ukrainian regions or cities.
These partnerships, or “twinning” relationships, must increase in number and depth. The more meaningful the cooperation—such as between Denmark and Mykolaiv—the stronger Ukraine will become as a whole. It is the task of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government to support and guide these international efforts at the community level.
Cooperation between communities within Ukraine must also grow based on the principle of “shoulder to shoulder.” Projects that foster cohesion within our country—where rear and more capable communities support those on the frontlines and under fire—are crucial.
For example, we implemented special support measures for Kharkiv during constant Russian attacks to maintain life in the city, including tailored tax policies. This approach has proven effective. I instruct the development of similar conditions for other border cities, such as Sumy and Chernihiv—centers of resilience in eastern Ukraine.
We must also not forget about our communities currently in temporarily occupied territories. Ukraine needs readiness at all levels to restore control over all its territory at the right time and through the right measures, and also bring people back. For this, Ukraine needs the full strength of diplomacy.
Human Capital - is about the state’s respect for every one of our millions of people. We must create all conditions for Ukrainians—wherever they are—to truly feel connected to their nation, work for Ukraine, with Ukraine, and maintain a strong emotional bond with the Ukrainian state and identity.
To be Ukrainian means never being indifferent to Ukraine. We need these conditions for every citizen and everyone who wants to tie their fate to Ukraine.
Recovery Policy: Reconstruction must not only focus on buildings or facilities but on restoring people’s lives and well-being. National Accessibility Standards: This is not just about physical infrastructure but about removing barriers across society.
Ukraine’s digitization policy ensures inclusivity, enabling all citizens to access state services equally, fostering unity. Initiatives like “Diia” and “Mriia,” along with other digital services, will continue to strengthen this vision.
Education: We need a transformational approach to education. Beyond its traditional functions, education must help retain millions of Ukrainian children abroad within the orbit of Ukrainian culture and identity.The future of our state depends significantly on how well we achieve this goal.
Social Policy Modernization: Healthcare must focus on saving lives and increasing the life expectancy of Ukrainians. A special childhood policy is essential, including measures to support parenthood, assist families, and ensure children grow up in safe and modern social environments.
State-Church Partnership: While preserving the secular nature of state institutions, we can develop meaningful partnerships with religious communities. Ukraine has a globally significant model in the Council of Churches and Religious Organizations, which fosters dialogue between the state and all religious communities.
This cooperation can strengthen Ukraine’s spiritual independence and social work. Of course, this does not involve the Moscow Church. The era of those who bless terror is over.
What decisions can be announced now to preserve Ukraine’s human capital? Dual Citizenship: Ukraine must recognize the reality of being a global nation and channel this strength in our national interest.
Diplomatic Service Overhaul: This involves financial, personnel, and organizational reforms, currently under review with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. By year-end, we will appoint new ambassadors, focusing on G7+ states and filling all vacant positions.
Policy for Ukrainians Abroad: We will institutionalize this effort by establishing a dedicated Ministry of Ukrainian Unity to address the needs of the global Ukrainian community. By year-end, we will present a candidate for Minister.
Concrete solutions are also critical. This year, we introduced free meals for all Ukrainian children in grades 1–4. I have instructed the government to ensure that, next year, free meals will be provided to all Ukrainian schoolchildren.
Cultural Sovereignty of the Resilience Plan will be developed in collaboration with Ukraine’s cultural community. When preparing the conceptual foundations of the plan, we held a series of meetings with various Ukrainian cultural figures.
During one meeting, a proposal emerged that could revitalize cultural policy in Ukraine: a broad cultural coalition. It would regularly bring together those with a vision for cultural policy in Ukraine, those who understand what decisions can help, and, most importantly, those who have proven their effectiveness through experience.
We will implement this format and involve collective efforts in Ukraine’s cultural policy. Partnerships are essential—both within Ukraine and internationally. To strengthen this, we will launch a “Cultural Ramstein” for Ukraine, with details to be presented by Minister Mykola Tochytskyi.
Ukraine needs a calendar of cultural events worldwide for the entire year. This will allow the state to systematically support Ukrainian content and cultural products globally.Cultural diplomacy must actively promote Ukrainian narratives through cultural and artistic projects abroad.
Long-term professional connections and cooperation with cultural institutions in partner countries must be established. Support for translating Ukrainian authors into other languages and integrating Ukrainian studies into global academia is critical. We must actively foster the creation of Ukrainian studies departments at universities worldwide.
Through the language of culture, we can reach communities and nations that may not be accessible through traditional politics or information campaigns.
Modern cultural spaces and infrastructure must be developed. This includes: renovating and modernizing cultural infrastructure, protecting, recovering, and returning Ukraine’s cultural and historical heritage, documenting crimes against cultural heritage and ensuring accountability. Existing museum collections must be preserved, and modern art infrastructure must be developed.
Focused creation of Ukrainian content is essential. We must fully replace Russian content with Ukrainian cultural products across all media and platforms. This involves investing in cultural products tailored to different social groups and age categories, especially children. This is not just about resilience—it is about security. We must outplay Russia in this as well.
Policy of Heroes – is perhaps the most morally significant point of the Resilience Plan. We all understand what must be done: transitioning soldiers to veteran status, employing veterans in public service, supporting veterans and their families, fully integrating veterans into society and the economy, education for veterans and support for the children of our warriors, proper rehabilitation after injuries and captivity, communicating effectively with the families of fallen and missing soldiers, ensuring they receive full support.
These efforts must provide institutional guarantees that the state and society will always stand by veterans and their families. This must be implemented comprehensively and systematically. What has already been done?
Veteran health and rehabilitation: rehabilitation departments and mental health centers are being created in every cluster and super-cluster hospital. By 2025, outpatient rehabilitation facilities must exist in every community with a medical institution. From next year, family doctors will receive additional payments for declarations signed with veterans.
Veteran Assistant Program: preparatory work is complete. Regulatory acts have been adopted, budget funds have been allocated. In 2025, 11,000 specialists will be trained and employed to support veterans. Veteran spaces: every district in Ukraine must have a dedicated veteran space. At least 80 new veteran spaces will be built in communities next year.
Economic and social support for veterans: one key issue is housing. Despite all challenges, nearly 4,500 veteran families received assistance for housing this year. Additionally, the program honoring Ukraine’s Heroes provided apartments to 274 families.
Education programs: this year, 2,200 veterans received new qualifications in vocational education centers. These programs will continue next year. Starting January 1, a new program will support the education of veterans’ children.
The full Resilience Plan for Ukraine, along with all its attachments, will be presented and delivered in December of this year. The key goal: real resilience for Ukraine.
1,000 days of war. 1,000 days since Ukrainians kicked Putin in the teeth. We must end this war—and end it justly. But we must do it in a way that ensures Putin, no matter how toothless, never returns to Ukraine. We need to make it certain.
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