CMC member and director of the political work department, Admiral Miao Hua, has been "suspended from duty," suspected of "serious violation of discipline."
Since the 6-member CMC was announced at the 20th Party Congress in October 2022, 2 have been placed under investigation: Li Shangfu and Miao Hua. This alone constitutes a major failure for Xi's most trusted PLA leaders, who are thoroughly vetted beforehand.
Quietly, over the past two years, Xi Jinping has launched one of the largest purges of senior leaders in the PLA in recent memory, removing at least fourteen senior military leaders.
The target of the purge appears to be China’s rocket and equipment development forces, but now also appears to be targeting the PLA Navy.
These include the last three ministers of defense (Wei Fenghe, Li Shangfu and Dong Jun); Li Yuchao and Xu Zhongbo – the commander and political commissar of the PLARF; former PLARF commander Zhou Yaning, head of the PLARF armaments department Lu Hong; former PLARF deputy Li Chuanguang; and Gen. Ding Laihang, the former Commander of the PLA Air Force until September 2021.
There are also rumors that former PLAN political commissar Qin Shengxiang and current political commissar Yuan Huazhi are under investigation. renminbao.com/rmb/articles/2…
SOE executives involved in arms procurement, along with engineers and scientists, have come under scrutiny as well.
In December, 2023, the CPPCC revoked the memberships of three senior leaders of Chinese military-industrial state-owned enterprises (SOEs): Liu Shiquan, chair of weapons manufacturer China North Industries Group, China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp chair Wu Yansheng, and China Aerospace Science & Industry Corp executive Wang Changqing.
In the same month, Hu Wenming, a former chairman of China Shipbuilding Industry Co., who oversaw the country’s aircraft carrier development program, was sentenced to 13 years’ imprisonment on corruption charges more than three years after Communist Party inspectors first opened a probe against him.
Finally, on October 11, 2024, Xiao Longxu, the former chief engineer of the rocket force’s top research institute and a member of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, was removed as a representative of the CPPCC.
Taken together, this is by far the largest shake-up of PLA leadership and SOEs involved in military procurement in recent memory. It suggests deep anxiety and disfunction within the ranks of China’s military, and a failure of trust between Xi and the military.
With the reforms in 2015, Xi has attempted to stabilize what is considered an inherently unstable and delicate symbiotic relationship between the Party and the military in one of the world’s last remaining modern Communist-Leninist governance structures.
While such initiatives may expose more cases of graft, however, they have not succeeded in rooting out corruption at a systematic level. This is because deep, endemic issues in party-army relations predate Xi, and indeed have existing since the Mao Zedong era, whereby kickbacks and buying and selling of promotions have been standard practice for decades..
In other words, corruption in China’s military is not a case of a “few bad apples.” It is part of “doing business” in the PLA to a much greater extent than most other military organizations around the world, where the rule of law and checks and balances can serve to expose major acts of nepotism and corruption.
Despite Xi’s best efforts, corruption in the PLA will endure and bedevil Xi and his successor for the foreseeable future. /END
The news came to light after @rwnews_tw reported that the shift could leave Taiwanese people with just three minutes to seek shelter in an air raid.
Asked about the decision, Taiwanese Defence Minister Wellington Koo Li-hsiung said the change reflected the "growing threats posed by PLA activities."
@rwnews_tw Koo added: “China’s repeated provocations across the median line and escalating hostilities around Taiwan have necessitated this adjustment."
On Oct. 17, Xi visited PLA Rocket Force (PLARF) brigade (六十一基地611旅), in Chizhou, Anhui province. It was an important, symbolic meeting for Xi and the PLA, at a time when the PLARF is in the midst of one of the largest corruption purges in recent history. B-611 is home to nuclear-armed DF-26 IRBMs, which recently replaced the DF-21s, and of which Xi took several photos behind.
A long 🧵 on the significance of the visit, with full video of the visit and full text translation at the end.
First, Xi’s overall message to the PLARF was to “thoroughly implement the new era of strengthening the army, implement the new era of military strategic guidelines, grasp the characteristics and laws of strategic missile force construction and combat use, adhere to political guidance, strengthen mission responsibility, work hard and promote high-quality development of the force construction, enhance strategic deterrence and actual combat capabilities, and resolutely complete the tasks entrusted by the Party and the people.”
Not a lot new here. In essence, adhere to Xi’s guidance of new military strategic guidelines, of which “enhancing strategic deterrence” and “real combat effectiveness” (提升战略威慑和实战能力) has become Xi’s hallmark.
A 🧵 on this scoop from @PeterMartin_PCM and Jennifer Jacobs of @Bloomberg, which is a bombshell and changes my previous assessments of how much corruption in the PLA is affecting readiness. bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
U.S. intel sources suggest corruption is so bad that Xi is less likely to contemplate major military action in the coming years than would otherwise have been the case.
Let that sink in....
Then there these two anecdotes from the IC:
- missiles filled with water instead of fuel
- vast fields of missile silos in western China with lids that don’t function in a way that would allow the missiles to launch effectively
🧵 on PLA personnel removals announced at 7th session of the 14th NPC (thanks to @NPC_Observer for flagging).
The NPC, in one fell swoop, quietly removed several senior leaders of the PLA Rocket Force (PLARF) and CMC Equipment Development Department (EDD). Here they are, with my take on implications for the PLA.
1) Zhang Zhenzhong (张振中) deputy chief of staff of the Joint Staff Department and previous deputy commander of the PLARF.
2) Zhang Yulin (张育林) deputy minister of the EDD and member of the Financial and Economic Committee of the 14th National People's Congress.
3) Rao Wenmin (饶文敏), representative from the EDD to the 14th NPC
4) LtGen Ju Xinchun (鞠新春) naval commander of the Southern Theater Command; previous deputy minister of the EDD of the Central Military Commission, previous deputy commander-in-chief of China's manned space program, and deputy commander-in-chief of the space station phase mission general headquarters; previous director of the EDD of the South China Sea Fleet, and previous deputy commander of the South China Sea Fleet.
My first @AsiaPolicy article examines the new CMC leadership and what it tells us about Xi’s military and security strategy. A short 🧵on the main findings. asiasociety.org/policy-institu…
First, while PLA leadership dynamics is arcane and difficult to get information on, I was able to dig in a little into the biographies of the six new CMC members. What I found is not that surprising to China watchers, but bears emphasizing. /1
Most importantly, loyalty, political reliability, family ties & combat experience matter. Zhang Youxia’s father, Zhang Zongxun, was a founding member of the Red Army & served with Xi’s father, Xi Zhongxun in the 1940s, making him one of Xi’s most trusted officers in the PLA. /2
A short 🧵 on how Taiwan was framed in Xi's 20th Party Congress Work Report (PCWR).
First, 100% agree with @BonnieGlaser that Xi’s overall approach to Taiwan has not changed, i.e. “peaceful reunification based on the One Country Two Systems” is the “best way to resolve the Taiwan Strait.” /1
If Xi shifted away from a goal of "peaceful" reunification, he would signal with tougher language, warnings, and/or removing “和平” from the “和平统一” phrase, for example. It would be quite clear. /2