Kuleba: Something personal broke between Zelenskyy and Fedorov.
Zelenskyy likely learned something that hit him personally and stopped trusting him. Yermak pressured Fedorov, but Fedorov had always been indispensable.
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Kuleba: I see no parallel with last year. Back then, I saw an attack on NABU, an independent instution.
Today, I see an attack on a strong manager and rising politician whose ties with Zelenskyy broke. Once that trust breaks, he cannot run defense or help the system.
Fedorov: Zelenskyy said he wouldn’t replace Syrskyi, I accepted that. I would have learned to work with him because we answer to the Ukrainian people.
But our initiatives were blocked. Syrskyi avoided discussing problems, and chose intrigue and media blame. He issued an ultimatum. He found a way to divide the country instead of defeating Russia. 1/
Fedorov: Mobilization won’t work without army reform. Young people discuss the 155th Brigade and failed assault units, not new contracts. The 3rd Assault Corps grew through clear processes, accountability, and unified command. 2/
Fedorov: In 2022, Ukrainians showed Russia it had underestimated us. We have tools to stop the enemy, but we must change our approach. My job is to show what we have done and warn about risks. I worked on this 24/7 for four years. I will not stay silent. 3/
He mocked Trump, then became one of his closest allies.
That turn bought Ukraine time and leverage. Trump backed deep strikes into Russia, let Kyiv build Patriot interceptors, and moved toward sanctions bill — Bret Stephens, NYT. 1/
Their relationship began with humiliation. In 2015, Trump gave out Graham’s phone number at a rally.
Graham answered by destroying the phone on video: blender, golf club, toaster oven, lighter fluid. 2/
Then came the turn. Graham went from brutal critic to loyal Senate friend. He said a round of golf showed him Trump was “funny as hell.” Stephens calls it a devil’s bargain — honesty traded for influence. 3/