Britain’s grooming gangs scandal is attracting attention. It’s happened before, but now it seems different.
I’ve dedicated most of my career in journalism to covering it. Because it’s the most appalling atrocity in modern British history.
In this thread, I’ll tell you what I know about the crisis, what I’ve uncovered, and what is yet to be revealed…
I’ve dedicated most of my career in journalism to covering it. Because it’s the most appalling atrocity in modern British history.
In this thread, I’ll tell you what I know about the crisis, what I’ve uncovered, and what is yet to be revealed…
When did it start?
Reports of gangs of men abusing children via on-street grooming go back as far as the 1970s.
But it first came to major prominence after Labour MP Ann Cryer raised concerns about the targeting of young girls by “Asian men” outside school gates.
It was 2003. She was accused of racism by many in her own party and had to install a panic alarm. Cryer was vilified for trying to support girls facing appalling abuse by predominantly Pakistani men. She was the first to endure this treatment, but by no means the last.
Reports of gangs of men abusing children via on-street grooming go back as far as the 1970s.
But it first came to major prominence after Labour MP Ann Cryer raised concerns about the targeting of young girls by “Asian men” outside school gates.
It was 2003. She was accused of racism by many in her own party and had to install a panic alarm. Cryer was vilified for trying to support girls facing appalling abuse by predominantly Pakistani men. She was the first to endure this treatment, but by no means the last.
Then a year later in 2004 came 'Edge of the City,' a Channel 4 documentary about social workers in Bradford.
Hours before transmission it was yanked from the schedules.
Unite Against Fascism, The 1990 Trust, and the National Assembly Against Racism lobbied Channel 4 to drop it, as did the Chief Constable of West Yorkshire.
The local elections were coming up. And the film captured grooming gangs for the first time. South Asian men abusing teenage white girls. They were worried that the BNP, who were making a lot of noise about the abuse gangs, would profit.
So it was canned. Another opportunity to discuss children as young as 11 being gang raped was missed.
Hours before transmission it was yanked from the schedules.
Unite Against Fascism, The 1990 Trust, and the National Assembly Against Racism lobbied Channel 4 to drop it, as did the Chief Constable of West Yorkshire.
The local elections were coming up. And the film captured grooming gangs for the first time. South Asian men abusing teenage white girls. They were worried that the BNP, who were making a lot of noise about the abuse gangs, would profit.
So it was canned. Another opportunity to discuss children as young as 11 being gang raped was missed.
A journalist based in the north was the next to pick up the story.
Andrew Norfolk at The Times had reported on Ann Cryer. But he moved on because he admitted: "I didn’t want the story to be true because it made me deeply uncomfortable."
"The suggestion that men from a minority ethnic background were committing sex crimes against white children was always going to be the far right’s fantasy story come true."
"Liberal angst kicked instinctively into top gear."
But in 2010, something snapped in Norfolk, and he felt like he could no longer ignore it.
Andrew Norfolk at The Times had reported on Ann Cryer. But he moved on because he admitted: "I didn’t want the story to be true because it made me deeply uncomfortable."
"The suggestion that men from a minority ethnic background were committing sex crimes against white children was always going to be the far right’s fantasy story come true."
"Liberal angst kicked instinctively into top gear."
But in 2010, something snapped in Norfolk, and he felt like he could no longer ignore it.
In 2010 he heard a radio report about a grooming gang in Manchester.
He started going through archives. What he found was a pattern.
Since 1997 there had been 17 cases in 13 towns where a group of men had approached a girl on the street and groomed her.
Of the 56 convicted, 3 were white, 53 were Asian.
50 of those had Muslim names, most were Pakistani.
But when he went to the authorities, they refused to talk.
Barnados, the children’s charity, told staff not to talk to him.
At the time, it seemed like the only prominent people talking about this crisis were right-wing politicians and activists, such as Tommy Robinson's EDL.
He started going through archives. What he found was a pattern.
Since 1997 there had been 17 cases in 13 towns where a group of men had approached a girl on the street and groomed her.
Of the 56 convicted, 3 were white, 53 were Asian.
50 of those had Muslim names, most were Pakistani.
But when he went to the authorities, they refused to talk.
Barnados, the children’s charity, told staff not to talk to him.
At the time, it seemed like the only prominent people talking about this crisis were right-wing politicians and activists, such as Tommy Robinson's EDL.
The strategy of the groomers was to pose as a friend or a boyfriend. That's why we call them grooming gangs.
Then draw the girl into their social circle, with gifts and attention.
They’d offer them drugs and alcohol. And then they’d abuse them.
Threats were used - against them or their family - to control them.
And then they’d be passed around the whole gang to abuse.
Then draw the girl into their social circle, with gifts and attention.
They’d offer them drugs and alcohol. And then they’d abuse them.
Threats were used - against them or their family - to control them.
And then they’d be passed around the whole gang to abuse.
What blew this open was the small town of Rotherham, with its decaying steelworks and beautiful medieval chapel.
There Andrew Norfolk met Jayne Senior.
She ran Risky Business, a youth project working with children at risk of exploitation.
More and more of her work had come to involve abused girls.
She was able to introduce Norfolk to victims and their families.
But neither the journalist or the whistleblower expected the scale of the scandal that would emerge.
There Andrew Norfolk met Jayne Senior.
She ran Risky Business, a youth project working with children at risk of exploitation.
More and more of her work had come to involve abused girls.
She was able to introduce Norfolk to victims and their families.
But neither the journalist or the whistleblower expected the scale of the scandal that would emerge.
Reports of the abuse in the town went back decades.
The victims who spoke to Norfolk revealed how they’d been horribly abused: the most horrific torture and sexual depravity.
And they also spoke of how the authorities - Rotherham Council and South Yorkshire Police - had failed them.
The stories caused an outcry.
The government stepped in and commissioned social worker Alexis Jay to hold an inquiry.
She found that this wasn’t about a few girls.
She estimated that between 1997 and 2013, 1,400 children had been abused. This was a conservative estimate.
Almost all the victims were white, most of the abusers were Pakistani.
And that's despite them only making up just 5% of the town.
The victims who spoke to Norfolk revealed how they’d been horribly abused: the most horrific torture and sexual depravity.
And they also spoke of how the authorities - Rotherham Council and South Yorkshire Police - had failed them.
The stories caused an outcry.
The government stepped in and commissioned social worker Alexis Jay to hold an inquiry.
She found that this wasn’t about a few girls.
She estimated that between 1997 and 2013, 1,400 children had been abused. This was a conservative estimate.
Almost all the victims were white, most of the abusers were Pakistani.
And that's despite them only making up just 5% of the town.
The report was so damning that Rotherham Council was investigated in 2015.
Louise Casey found that the authorities had failed the victims and that the council had covered-up the abuse.
Political correctness was to blame.
But also something more sinister.
Pakistani British councillors had wielded unusual power, and they had used it to head off concerns. People who tried to raise concerns were silenced with bogus accusations of racism.
But even though some people left their jobs, nobody was fired.
The guilty all kept their pensions. Some got jobs with other councils. Some who knew but looked the other way were FINALLY deselected by Labour in 2023 after a series of GB News reports.
Louise Casey found that the authorities had failed the victims and that the council had covered-up the abuse.
Political correctness was to blame.
But also something more sinister.
Pakistani British councillors had wielded unusual power, and they had used it to head off concerns. People who tried to raise concerns were silenced with bogus accusations of racism.
But even though some people left their jobs, nobody was fired.
The guilty all kept their pensions. Some got jobs with other councils. Some who knew but looked the other way were FINALLY deselected by Labour in 2023 after a series of GB News reports.
There were serious questions about how the crisis had been allowed to go on for so long. One instance has always stuck with me.
In March 2000, a secret deal was cut. It was arranged between a child rapist and police officers.
An abused girl was handed over to the police by her abuser. In return, he was allowed to go free.
Jahanghir Akhtar, who later became deputy head of the council, was accused of facilitating the deal. He denied it.
The abuser was his cousin, Arshid Hussain, a notorious gangster.
Foreign systems of prioritising distant family kinship over justice causing a crisis? In South Yorkshire?
Hassan Ali, the policeman who helped arrange the secret deal, was run over and killed by a car on the day he was told he was under investigation.
With his death, there was no further inquiry.
In March 2000, a secret deal was cut. It was arranged between a child rapist and police officers.
An abused girl was handed over to the police by her abuser. In return, he was allowed to go free.
Jahanghir Akhtar, who later became deputy head of the council, was accused of facilitating the deal. He denied it.
The abuser was his cousin, Arshid Hussain, a notorious gangster.
Foreign systems of prioritising distant family kinship over justice causing a crisis? In South Yorkshire?
Hassan Ali, the policeman who helped arrange the secret deal, was run over and killed by a car on the day he was told he was under investigation.
With his death, there was no further inquiry.
There was also a Home Office report.
In 2000 a local solicitor worked with Risky Business.
She discovered the scale of the abuse and how much of it revolved around the gangster Arshid Hussain and his brothers.
But when she filed her report she was told it was “unhelpful”.
And when a victim she worked with went to the police, she was texted by her abuser.
He had her sibling. She dropped the complaint.
But who at the police station had told her abuser she was there?
In 2000 a local solicitor worked with Risky Business.
She discovered the scale of the abuse and how much of it revolved around the gangster Arshid Hussain and his brothers.
But when she filed her report she was told it was “unhelpful”.
And when a victim she worked with went to the police, she was texted by her abuser.
He had her sibling. She dropped the complaint.
But who at the police station had told her abuser she was there?
When the solicitor complained, she was told never to refer to 'Asian' men ever again.
She was also booked on a two-day equality and diversity course. You read that right. Raise concerns about minority rapists targeting girls and you'll be sent for ideological re-training.
And then the Risky Business offices were broken into.
There was no sign the doors had been forced.
No sign the filing cabinet was broken into. But her files were missing.
And her password protected computer had been accessed. Documents had been deleted.
The minutes of meetings which hadn’t occurred had been created.
Who was behind the break in? Nobody has ever been arrested for it. It has never been explained.
She was also booked on a two-day equality and diversity course. You read that right. Raise concerns about minority rapists targeting girls and you'll be sent for ideological re-training.
And then the Risky Business offices were broken into.
There was no sign the doors had been forced.
No sign the filing cabinet was broken into. But her files were missing.
And her password protected computer had been accessed. Documents had been deleted.
The minutes of meetings which hadn’t occurred had been created.
Who was behind the break in? Nobody has ever been arrested for it. It has never been explained.
But the true horror of the grooming gangs scandal is that Rotherham wasn’t the only town.
There was also Rochdale.
A gang of Asian men had abused girls.
They took them to a 'special place' and plied them with alcohol.
Then they were passed around from man to man, like a ball.
There was a list on names on the door of the building where the girls were kept,.
Whenever an abuser went there, they put a tick by their name so they could pay for their rapes at the end of each month.
It was like a paedophile honesty box. The failures in Rochdale were so severe that it took the bravery of whistleblower @MaggieOliverUK to expose the scandal in the town.
There was also Rochdale.
A gang of Asian men had abused girls.
They took them to a 'special place' and plied them with alcohol.
Then they were passed around from man to man, like a ball.
There was a list on names on the door of the building where the girls were kept,.
Whenever an abuser went there, they put a tick by their name so they could pay for their rapes at the end of each month.
It was like a paedophile honesty box. The failures in Rochdale were so severe that it took the bravery of whistleblower @MaggieOliverUK to expose the scandal in the town.
And then there was Telford.
The Labour council there tried to block an inquiry. 10 men wrote a letter to the Home Secretary saying it wasn't necessary.
Some claimed reports of abuse, uncovered by investigative journalists, had been 'sensationalised', even after what had been revealed in Rotherham and Rochdale.
But when the Crowther report was written, it found there were at least 1,000 victims.
Most of the victims were white, most of the abusers Pakistani.
Only 4.7% of the town was Asian.
The same pattern, the same racial targeting kept coming up, time after time, again and again.
The Labour council there tried to block an inquiry. 10 men wrote a letter to the Home Secretary saying it wasn't necessary.
Some claimed reports of abuse, uncovered by investigative journalists, had been 'sensationalised', even after what had been revealed in Rotherham and Rochdale.
But when the Crowther report was written, it found there were at least 1,000 victims.
Most of the victims were white, most of the abusers Pakistani.
Only 4.7% of the town was Asian.
The same pattern, the same racial targeting kept coming up, time after time, again and again.
Rotherham, Rochdale and Telford are just a handful of the towns and cities that have endured these abuse gangs.
I've compiled compelling reports and successful prosecutions from across Britain, from Bristol and Oxford right up to Glasgow.
The horrors in each of these towns deserve their own report, their own reckoning, their own righteous response.
And many of the girls were trafficked between towns by their abusers.
When parents tried to intervene, they were often threatened with arrest. I've met parents who were desperate for support from the police, but instead found themselves being penalised when they raised concerns about their children, their little girls, being targeted by rape gangs.
I've compiled compelling reports and successful prosecutions from across Britain, from Bristol and Oxford right up to Glasgow.
The horrors in each of these towns deserve their own report, their own reckoning, their own righteous response.
And many of the girls were trafficked between towns by their abusers.
When parents tried to intervene, they were often threatened with arrest. I've met parents who were desperate for support from the police, but instead found themselves being penalised when they raised concerns about their children, their little girls, being targeted by rape gangs.
The grooming gang story is a stake through the heart of multicultural Britain.
For decades, gangs of largely British Pakistani men deliberately targeted and abused underage white girls.
And the authorities did nothing because they did not want to rock the boat of racial tensions. They literally prioritised community cohesion over the safety and security of women and girls.
In many cases the abuse went beyond rape into sadism. Reading the testimony, attending the trials, speaking to survivors... sometimes, it is truly harrowing. Don't read on if you find this too difficult.
Gang rape, anal pumps, beatings, girls being 'marked' with the initials of their abusers. Broken bottles being shoved into them. Girls being doused with petrol. Stabbings. Thrashings. Fake executions. Real executions. Pure and total depravity.
Often the girls were called 'white whores' and 'white slags.'
I'm convinced that it is the greatest race hate crime in modern Britain.
There is no comparison.
But the authorities don't want to see it that way.
And the people who set our national conversations don't want to see it that way. But it's what the evidence shows.
For decades, gangs of largely British Pakistani men deliberately targeted and abused underage white girls.
And the authorities did nothing because they did not want to rock the boat of racial tensions. They literally prioritised community cohesion over the safety and security of women and girls.
In many cases the abuse went beyond rape into sadism. Reading the testimony, attending the trials, speaking to survivors... sometimes, it is truly harrowing. Don't read on if you find this too difficult.
Gang rape, anal pumps, beatings, girls being 'marked' with the initials of their abusers. Broken bottles being shoved into them. Girls being doused with petrol. Stabbings. Thrashings. Fake executions. Real executions. Pure and total depravity.
Often the girls were called 'white whores' and 'white slags.'
I'm convinced that it is the greatest race hate crime in modern Britain.
There is no comparison.
But the authorities don't want to see it that way.
And the people who set our national conversations don't want to see it that way. But it's what the evidence shows.
The state has gone to great lengths to avoid admitting this. After years of pressure, the Home Office was forced to commission a report into grooming gangs.
At first, the civil servants tried to spike it. And when that failed, they botched it.
Rather than use their own trove of data, they relied on a handful of weak studies.
All they wanted was the headline: whites were the most common type of abuser.
Now they could claim there was no racial issue.
But whites made up at least 85% of the population over this period.
And the report found they still made up less than 30% of abusers.
Asians, especially British Pakistanis, were over-represented.
It was a fix. A stitch up. A distraction.
At first, the civil servants tried to spike it. And when that failed, they botched it.
Rather than use their own trove of data, they relied on a handful of weak studies.
All they wanted was the headline: whites were the most common type of abuser.
Now they could claim there was no racial issue.
But whites made up at least 85% of the population over this period.
And the report found they still made up less than 30% of abusers.
Asians, especially British Pakistanis, were over-represented.
It was a fix. A stitch up. A distraction.
More recently, a study found that Pakistanis dominate national grooming gang statistics. By comparing the number of prosecutions to the overall population it showed that 1 in every 2,200 Muslim men over 16 in England and Wales had been prosecuted for this crime from 1997 to 2017.
When it came to Pakistanis it was 1 in 1,700.
In Rochdale, 1 in 280 Muslim males over 16 were prosecuted.
In Telford, it was 1 in 126.
In Rotherham, 1 in 73.
ONE IN SEVENTY-THREE.
When it came to Pakistanis it was 1 in 1,700.
In Rochdale, 1 in 280 Muslim males over 16 were prosecuted.
In Telford, it was 1 in 126.
In Rotherham, 1 in 73.
ONE IN SEVENTY-THREE.
The same dark forces that want you to not notice this moved fiercely against Andrew Norfolk.
He was accused of being a racist and an Islamophobe.
An unholy alliance of the far-left and Islamic groups hounded him.
It was simple. They would repeat the lie over and over.
And they would hound anyone who disagreed.
They did the same to Sarah Champion, the Labour Rotherham MP who was attacked by the Left when she spoke out against the appalling crisis.
Jack Straw was also accused of racism for referring to Andrew Norfolk's report.
For a while, this campaign of abuse to keep people quiet worked.
The cases kept coming but there was no campaign, nobody to join the dots.
Tommy Robinson was essentially the lone voice, but he was also ignored by the establishment due to widespread controversy.
Nobody had any success trying to bring this issue into the mainstream.
He was accused of being a racist and an Islamophobe.
An unholy alliance of the far-left and Islamic groups hounded him.
It was simple. They would repeat the lie over and over.
And they would hound anyone who disagreed.
They did the same to Sarah Champion, the Labour Rotherham MP who was attacked by the Left when she spoke out against the appalling crisis.
Jack Straw was also accused of racism for referring to Andrew Norfolk's report.
For a while, this campaign of abuse to keep people quiet worked.
The cases kept coming but there was no campaign, nobody to join the dots.
Tommy Robinson was essentially the lone voice, but he was also ignored by the establishment due to widespread controversy.
Nobody had any success trying to bring this issue into the mainstream.
In the winter of 2021 I started a project.
The grooming gangs scandal had always horrified me. But the trail seemed to have gone cold.
And nobody had really brought all the journalism together.
So, with my friend @dampierguy, we put together a few hundred quid, took some time off work and went to Rotherham to start filming.
We had some immense footage, exclusive interviews, and a big vision, even if we were a couple of amateurs. Our project was turned down by almost everyone. Even the right-wing media didn’t want to work with me. Let alone the big broadcasters.
But GB News saw promise. @ColinBrazierTV put me on his programme to discuss my project, and soon after the channel commissioned me to make a documentary.
It was time to reveal Britain’s shame.
The grooming gangs scandal had always horrified me. But the trail seemed to have gone cold.
And nobody had really brought all the journalism together.
So, with my friend @dampierguy, we put together a few hundred quid, took some time off work and went to Rotherham to start filming.
We had some immense footage, exclusive interviews, and a big vision, even if we were a couple of amateurs. Our project was turned down by almost everyone. Even the right-wing media didn’t want to work with me. Let alone the big broadcasters.
But GB News saw promise. @ColinBrazierTV put me on his programme to discuss my project, and soon after the channel commissioned me to make a documentary.
It was time to reveal Britain’s shame.
The year-long investigation shocked me to my core.
Not just at the scale of the abuse or the way it had been covered up, but at the fact it was still going on.
After all these years, what the victims were telling me was that the abuse hadn’t ended.
In some cases, it was actually getting worse.
And in many cases their rapists had been freed from jail after a few years.
Imagine that - seeing your rapist walking the same streets as you.
Not just at the scale of the abuse or the way it had been covered up, but at the fact it was still going on.
After all these years, what the victims were telling me was that the abuse hadn’t ended.
In some cases, it was actually getting worse.
And in many cases their rapists had been freed from jail after a few years.
Imagine that - seeing your rapist walking the same streets as you.
And some of them were organised.
In some places I was followed.
The streets were hostile.
I'll never forget my first days of investigating and filming in parts of Telford, Rochdale and Glodwick near Oldham. It was a genuinely hostile environment. My small team stood out wherever we went. We were not welcome. We were often speeding out of some places after quickly filming what we needed.
Our questions and our presence was NOT welcome.
In some places I was followed.
The streets were hostile.
I'll never forget my first days of investigating and filming in parts of Telford, Rochdale and Glodwick near Oldham. It was a genuinely hostile environment. My small team stood out wherever we went. We were not welcome. We were often speeding out of some places after quickly filming what we needed.
Our questions and our presence was NOT welcome.
When we finally broadcast 'Grooming Gangs: Britain's Shame', I was relieved.
It was a big project. And soon after the then-Home Secretary @SuellaBraverman announced a new taskforce to tackle the grooming gangs, our key policy demand in the documentary. It made hundreds of arrests in its first year.
But the battle wasn’t over yet.
I knew there were far more victims out there, whose tales needed to be told.
I knew there were far too many rapists released on our streets.
And I knew the far-left and the Islamists would come for me, of course. They have mostly just accused me of being a racist, the same accusation they deployed on everyone else who raised concerns.
But this attack line just doesn't work anymore. Anyone who wants to call me a racist in response to my reporting can pick a number, get in line, and kiss my arse. I don't care. I've done my homework. Your slander means nothing.
It was a big project. And soon after the then-Home Secretary @SuellaBraverman announced a new taskforce to tackle the grooming gangs, our key policy demand in the documentary. It made hundreds of arrests in its first year.
But the battle wasn’t over yet.
I knew there were far more victims out there, whose tales needed to be told.
I knew there were far too many rapists released on our streets.
And I knew the far-left and the Islamists would come for me, of course. They have mostly just accused me of being a racist, the same accusation they deployed on everyone else who raised concerns.
But this attack line just doesn't work anymore. Anyone who wants to call me a racist in response to my reporting can pick a number, get in line, and kiss my arse. I don't care. I've done my homework. Your slander means nothing.
Since the film was released I've continued to champion the cause of the survivors for this nationwide scandal.
There has been bold reporting from some other outlets, but prominent voices and commentators in the mainstream continue to neglect the truth of the crisis. Perhaps they fear the same abusive treatment that Andrew Norfolk, Champion, and others endured.
But it's left me with a LOT of stories to cover.
For GB News, I've exposed councillors who knew about the abuse and did nothing, my reporting has seen a parliamentary candidate be deselected. We've shown that a former councillor who silenced discussions of Pakistani rape gangs later went on to work in DIVERSITY AND INCLUSION in the NHS. And I've revealed several further policing failures in historic and recent cases.
There is a lot more to do.
There has been bold reporting from some other outlets, but prominent voices and commentators in the mainstream continue to neglect the truth of the crisis. Perhaps they fear the same abusive treatment that Andrew Norfolk, Champion, and others endured.
But it's left me with a LOT of stories to cover.
For GB News, I've exposed councillors who knew about the abuse and did nothing, my reporting has seen a parliamentary candidate be deselected. We've shown that a former councillor who silenced discussions of Pakistani rape gangs later went on to work in DIVERSITY AND INCLUSION in the NHS. And I've revealed several further policing failures in historic and recent cases.
There is a lot more to do.
I know there are still guilty men — in the police and the councils — who still need to face justice.
For example, for police officers in Rotherham, there were 265 allegations of misconduct, with 91 investigations involving 47 officers. Of those, only five suffered any penalties. Nobody was fired. Some of them were senior officers. Many have retired.
That is now my mission: to ensure that nobody involved in the mass rape and cover-up is able to get away with it.
Get involved. Get in touch. Get ready.
For example, for police officers in Rotherham, there were 265 allegations of misconduct, with 91 investigations involving 47 officers. Of those, only five suffered any penalties. Nobody was fired. Some of them were senior officers. Many have retired.
That is now my mission: to ensure that nobody involved in the mass rape and cover-up is able to get away with it.
Get involved. Get in touch. Get ready.
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