So I've been listening to some of the arguments made by so-called "post-liberals" (notably Prof. Patrick Deneen) a little more closely than before and want to speak to a persistent confusion I see in the foundation of their work that I almost have to wonder if it's deliberate. 🧵
The problem, and the allure of "post-liberalism" (including to our current Vice President) is obviously that "liberal" is a highly contentious term, and one has to wonder what it means if we're going to go "post" (beyond) it. It means VERY distinct things to different thinkers.
Deneen makes a curious point that liberalism began well as minimal government interference and the rejection of the birthright of the ruling class as absurd but rapidly acquired a different character of seeking the "Self-defined Self" liberated from all restrictions.
In particular, the "liberal" as such is someone who is seeking to overcome all tradition, authority, etc., that stand between him and his true self, which is a Self-defined Self. I don't know if he got this from Carl Trueman or not, but he argues similarly.
To someone like me, this isn't a "liberal" except in some kind of wacky, "ghey" European sense, and that dissonance in understanding arises from the fact that American Liberalism and French Liberalism, which Deneen seems to be blending, are not the same thing on any level at all.
The French liberalism he seems to be describing is ultimately Romantic and Idealist, which is actually to say Gnostic and mystical, or one could say Cartesian and Continental, but it is not how American liberals think of themselves or their search for self or meaning, generally.
This is a fraught statement to make, of course, because again, "liberal" is unclear in its meaning. If you mean by liberal whatever the Progressive Democrats who call themselves liberals, or what their conservative detractors like Rush Limbaugh called liberals, I guess ok.
"The libs," as we might call those people, have left American Liberalism behind for something that's like a weird American knock-off of the French and Continental original (so, "Globohomo"), which is metaphysically and ethically distinct from American Liberalism in all ways.
It is true, however, that "the libs" are somewhat correctly described by Deneen with his term "liberal," which makes this discussion really hard and confusing for people, which really sucks. It is wrong to conflate those people with American Liberals (classical liberals), tho.
The American Liberal tradition is based not in romanticism (as with the French) or idealism (as with German) or their blend ("Continental") but in common sense, which has roots in the Scottish Enlightenment but not so much the Continental ones. It's very different.
In particular, the Common Sense tradition believes reality exists and is generally accessible and comprehensible to everyone without elite help (sense is common). It is realist, humble, and individualist. This is the opposite of idealist (not realist) Continental "liberals."
The goal of American (Common Sense) Liberalism is not to discover the "true self" (idealist concept) as a kind of Self-defined Self (Gnostic concept); it is to discover who we really are and live accordingly. There are facts about ourselves that are true, and we seek to know them
So in the sense that there's a search for "self" at all in American Liberalism, it's a quest of discovery for a Discovered Self as it really is in reality, not an attempt to find a "Self-defined Self" that is necessarily in objection to reality. Reality defines us; we don't.
American Liberals (minus "the libs") don't see themselves as trying to overcome obstacles in tradition and institutional authority but rather we see ourselves in seeking to discover our capabilities, boundaries, and limitations and optimizing within them. It's very different.
The confusing point of overlap, aside from the terminology, is that American Common Sense Liberals will question institutions and traditions, or test them, to see when and where they are arbitrary, and as Chesterton's Fence demonstrates, sometimes this is in consequential error.
I raise this point because "post-liberalism" is on the rise (Marxism is Leftist post-liberalism, but now it's rising on the Right in various ways too), but its best thinkers seem desperately, if not deliberately, confused, mixing "liberal" traditions that aren't even similar.
I don't know why they do this, for surely they're well-read and intelligent enough to know better, and perhaps its just the complete poisoning of the language on the word "liberal," but I expect a lot better out of otherwise careful thinkers like Deneen and his acolytes.
Anyway, it's important to be able to spot this point of terrible confusion and see through it, at least for Americans who want to Make America America (thus Great) Again. The American tradition ain't broke, so don't fix it. We've just got to remove the Continental tares.
PS: "post-liberal" means "post-liberty." Don't forget that.
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From my Woke Encyclopedia, an explanation of the "friend-enemy distinction" of Carl Schmitt, which is the Woke political logic. Link at the end!🧵
(1/13) The friend-enemy distinction refers to the cornerstone object of the political and judicial philosophy of a German theorist named Carl Schmitt, who wrote a number of works of right-wing political philosophy and thought before becoming such an enthusiastic Nazi in 1933, just after Adolf Hitler took power, that he earned the informal title “the Crown Jurist of the Third Reich.”
Though most of his significant political thinking was done both before and after he was a Nazi, during the years when he was a part of Hitler’s National Socialist movement and Party, he contributed strongly to the legal theory that justified the Nazi “total state,” including writing the 1933 piece that gets rendered in English as “The Legal Basis for the Total State,” which is significantly based upon the friend-enemy distinction.
Friend-enemy distinction:
(2/13) Schmitt’s thought is primarily of interest on the Woke Right, where he is a favored thinker and model political mind. He is vigorously forwarded for a handful of his political concepts, perhaps most visibly his “friend-enemy distinction” as the essential criterion of what makes politics political. This idea is first presented and developed in full detail in his 1927/32 book The Concept of the Political.
Friend-enemy distinction:
(3/13) For Schmitt, what makes the politics political is the distinction between (public) friend and (public) enemy, where enemies are defined as those who are interested in destroying one’s way of life and friends are defined as those who are willing to band together in its defense.
Schmitt specifically compares the essential nature of this distinction in politics to the distinction between good and evil in morality, beautiful and ugly in aesthetics, and profitable versus non-profitable in economics.
That is, politics is only political to the degree that it recognizes the possibility of factions that exist in mutual enmity underwritten by the potentially existential threat of violence. Of course, that means that Schmitt believes the essential criterion of politics is war, which he reveals also in part by making his point by completing the identity contained in von Clausewitz’s famous remark that “war is politics by other means.”
All radical movements find themselves in a pinch: they can only really advance when people don't know their true intentions, but they can only really advance by going public with what they're doing. It's an intrinsic dilemma that only rare figures in rare circumstances can win.
Mamdani is a good example of a rare figure (extremely good at presenting himself disingenuously while looking real) in rare circumstances (terrible primary opponent, then running against a terrible combination of Cuomo/Sliwa, then still not winning by huge margins).
The primary reason NYC got Mamdani isn't something to do with the electorate, the climate, or anything else. Mamdani, with tons of weird money, ran a very strong campaign (rare figure) in very weird circumstances, most of which were candidate-specific, not conditional.
Fun fact: If you had a time machine and could go back in time to this day in 2019 but couldn't take any physical evidence with you, you could not convince almost anyone to take the Woke Left threat seriously and would get mocked and yelled at for trying, even by friends.
Your left-leaning friends (if you have any) would make fun of you for not getting it. Your right-leaning friends would laugh at you for making a mountain out of a molehill. No one really understood there was a serious problem with the Woke Left until after summer 2020.
The reason I know this is because I was there and doing this full time already by that point in my life.
Introducing to you two of the "intellectual" Woke Right's favorite contemporary thinkers: Patrick Deneen (left) and R.R. Reno. Here, they demonstrate their inability to see what is plainly in front of them—a Marxist insurgency through Leftist elitist capture—because of their preference for theories of cultural rot and decay.
These kinds of theories about why we are where we are aren't just dangerous misdiagnosed; they're also self-flattering humblebrags, saying in effect, "things got bad because everyone went to shit except people like us who are better than that." Typical Woke virtue signaling except in "modest" conservative form.
Yes, they are popular with Woke Right propagandists.