🚨 INVESTIGATION THREAD: How Fiscal Sponsorship Enables Secret Funding: Could This Framework Be How Dark Money Is Funding Violent Protests, And Swatting Events?🚨
Watch @annvandersteel video Below, I will break down the documents Ann found using the framework below.
Then I will dive deep into how this is structured to fund these operations! Buckle up……
A leaked document exposes structured protest funding with staged payments, covert contacts, and financial opacity. But how does this system work? Let’s break down the fiscal sponsorship loophole that keeps it hidden. 🧵👇
Fiscal Sponsorship 101
Instead of funding an unregistered group (like an Antifa cell), large donors give to 501(c)(3) fiscal sponsors like Tides Center, AFGJ, or New Venture Fund. These groups act as a legal front, shielding donors from scrutiny.
How Money Flows
💰 Donor → Fiscal Sponsor → Sponsored Project → Protesters
•Big-money donors stay anonymous via Donor-Advised Funds (DAFs).
•The sponsor handles financials, allowing activists to operate without direct IRS oversight.
Example: Tides Center
Tides has sponsored hundreds of activist groups, giving them tax-exempt status without requiring their own 990 filings. This creates a black box of funding that enables anonymous cash to flow into organized protests.(as well as many other forms of operations)
Leaked Document Highlights
•“D.A. Donnelly” as a secret contact (Does D.A. = Democracy Alliance?)
•“328BG” – A coded reference? Transaction ID?
•Multiple-stage funding before & after protests.
•“DO NOT REPORT THIS AS INCOME” – Avoiding tax trails?
Is This a One-Off? No.
•Arab Resource & Organizing Center (AROC) is a Tides-sponsored project.
•Refuse Fascism has ties to AFGJ, another fiscal sponsor.
•Soros-backed OSF funds Democracy Alliance, which channels $$ into progressive activism.
Bottom Line
🚨 Fiscal sponsorship legally launders political money into activist networks.
🚨 No need for direct grants—funds trickle down through shell nonprofits.
🚨 This shields donors, activists, & groups from accountability.
From the visible portions, the documents include:
•Point of Contact: “D.A. Donnelly” is named as a confidential contact.
•Funding Disbursement: Payments occur in three stages, including:
•Initial payment (5-10%) before the action.
•Further disbursement (20-30%) after debriefing.
•Final payments (larger percentage) months later.
•Confidentiality Clause: “DO NOT REPORT THIS AS INCOME TO ANYBODY,” implying covert financial transactions.
•Incentives for Participation: Bonuses based on leadership, bravery, or merit in protests.
•Operational Instructions:
•Strict anonymity protocols (no mentioning names in communication).
•Instructions on protest behavior (hand-to-hand combat rules, engagement limits).
•Use of props (bottles, sticks allowed under certain conditions).
This suggests an organized and potentially funded protest operation, rather than a spontaneous grassroots movement.
Is This Consistent with Known NGO Funding Structures?
If an Antifa-affiliated group operates under an NGO framework, it would likely follow fiscal sponsorship models similar to Tides Center, New Venture Fund, or Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ).
Key Factors to Investigate:
•Does this match known NGO-backed activism?
•Yes – Many left-wing activist groups receive funding via fiscal sponsors like Tides Center.
•AFGJ has been a known fiscal sponsor for anarchist, anti-capitalist, and protest-oriented groups.
•Tides Center does not openly fund Antifa, but it supports social justice initiatives that may indirectly provide resources for related actions.
•Does this funding model exist in real-world activism?
•Yes – Many structured activist groups have been documented as receiving grant money, filtering through donor-advised funds, and distributing resources to protest groups.
•Past examples include:
•The Occupy Wall Street movement (Tides Center indirectly helped incubate activist projects).
•The Black Lives Matter bail fund network (millions in grants passed through fiscal sponsors).
•The Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC) (a Tides-sponsored project involved in direct action protests).
•How does money reach these groups?
•Donor → Fiscal Sponsor → Sponsored Group → Individual Payments or Resources
•Donor-Advised Funds (DAFs) help anonymize contributions, making it harder to track funders.
•Some NGOs use “pass-through grants”, enabling money to reach unaffiliated groups that do not formally register as a nonprofit.
Identifying Potential Ties to Antifa Groups
Antifa itself is decentralized, but elements of its funding, coordination, and strategy suggest indirect financial support.
•Known Fiscal Sponsorships in the Activist Sphere:
•Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ) has been the fiscal sponsor for Refuse Fascism, a group advocating direct action.
•Tides Center provides operational support for many protest-related nonprofits.
•New Venture Fund & Borealis Philanthropy have financed civil unrest movements, though without direct Antifa affiliation.
•Crowdfunding as a Front for Larger Funding Operations:
•Some Antifa-linked groups use GoFundMe, GiveSendGo, and DonorBox.
•Fiscal sponsors sometimes launder money through “mutual aid” groups to avoid direct ties.
Authenticity of the Documents
•Does the document align with real-world activist funding?
•YES – It follows a clear financial structure, which is consistent with NGO-backed activism.
•YES – It uses discretionary funding language, similar to how fiscal sponsors distribute protest funds.
•YES – It includes tactical anonymity measures, which aligns with decentralized protest groups.
•Does this match known Antifa tactics?
•YES – Antifa has a history of using clandestine communication and security culture to protect leadership identities.
•YES – Some groups affiliated with Antifa operate with structured funding pools.
Let’s go deeper shall we ….
Explanation, of Fiscal sponsorship and how it works
Fiscal sponsorship is a partnership where an established 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization in the U.S. “lends” its tax-exempt status to a project or group that doesn’t have its own. This setup lets the sponsored project accept tax-deductible donations and grants without needing to go through the lengthy process of becoming an independent 501(c)(3). Essentially, it’s a way for new or small initiatives to get off the ground with the backing of an existing nonprofit’s legal and administrative framework.
Here’s how it typically works: the fiscal sponsor acts as the legal home for the project. Donations or grants meant for the project go to the sponsor, who then passes them along (usually taking a small administrative fee, often 5-10%). The sponsor oversees compliance with IRS rules, handles financial reporting, and ensures the project aligns with its charitable mission. In return, the project gets to focus on its work—whether it’s art, community outreach, or research—without worrying about nonprofit paperwork or tax headaches.
The arrangement has grown popular as the nonprofit sector has expanded. For instance, since 2000, hundreds of new fiscal sponsors have popped up—268 are noted in the Fiscal Sponsor Directory alone. Today, that directory lists 376 sponsors managing over 20,000 projects, showing how widespread this model has become. It’s especially common in fields like arts and social justice, where grassroots efforts often need a boost to get started.
Take Fractured Atlas, for example. It’s a big player in the arts world, supporting around 4,000 projects—think independent filmmakers or theater troupes who need funding but aren’t set up as nonprofits themselves. Or the Tides Center, which manages over 140 projects, offering not just tax benefits but also HR and operational support. These sponsors make it possible for small ideas to tap into big resources.
The upside is clear: projects get a fast track to funding and credibility, while sponsors expand their reach and often earn fees to cover costs. But it’s not without trade-offs—sponsored projects might have less autonomy, and they rely on the sponsor staying in good legal standing. Still, for many, it’s a practical stepping stone, bridging the gap between a good idea and a fully-fledged nonprofit.
Explanation of how this framework allows, social justice projects via grassroots movements to spring up on a whim 😳
In the case of social justice projects, fiscal sponsorship can let them operate “behind the scenes” in the sense that they don’t have to build their own legal or administrative structure from scratch. The fiscal sponsor takes on that heavy lifting—handling the tax-exempt status, processing donations, and ensuring compliance with IRS rules—while the project itself focuses on its mission, like organizing campaigns, advocacy, or community work.
For example, imagine a grassroots group pushing for criminal justice reform. They might not have the resources or know-how to become a standalone 501(c)(3), which involves filing with the IRS, setting up a board, and managing audits. Instead, they partner with a fiscal sponsor like the Tides Center, which already has all that in place. Donors send money to Tides, earmarked for the project, and Tides handles the legal and financial oversight—tax filings, bookkeeping, even payroll if there’s staff—while taking a cut (say, 7-10%) for their services. The group gets to operate under Tides’ tax-exempt umbrella, accepting tax-deductible contributions without being a formal nonprofit themselves.
The catch is that “no oversight” isn’t entirely accurate. The fiscal sponsor does provide oversight—financially and legally—to ensure everything stays above board and aligns with their mission. They’re not just a pass-through; they’re accountable to the IRS for how the money’s used. So, while the project can focus on its activism without getting bogged down in bureaucracy, it’s still answerable to the sponsor’s rules and standards. This balance lets social justice initiatives move fast and stay flexible, but they’re not completely free from scrutiny—just from the burden of managing it themselves.
If you’re like me, you probably think 🤔 would the Fiscal sponsor be legally responsible if the group conducted legal activities like protest or swatting events? Let’s take a look…..
A grassroots organization can indeed use fiscal sponsorship to fund and organize something like a protest, focusing on their goals while the sponsor handles the legal and financial framework. But if that protest turns violent, the fiscal sponsor isn’t automatically liable for the actions of the group—liability depends on the specifics of their relationship and what the sponsor controls or endorses.
Here’s how it plays out: the fiscal sponsor’s primary role is financial and administrative. They process donations, ensure tax compliance, and often require the project to align with their charitable mission (e.g., social justice or education). They’re not typically in the weeds of day-to-day operations—like planning a protest or managing what happens on the ground. If a protest turns violent, the sponsor isn’t directly on the hook unless they were actively involved in directing or encouraging illegal activity. For instance, if they just provided funding and paperwork support, they could argue they’re not responsible for how the group chose to act.
That said, there’s a gray area. Courts or regulators might look at the sponsorship agreement—usually a written contract—to see how much oversight the sponsor has. If the sponsor exercises tight control (like approving specific plans or staff), they could face more risk.
⚠️ Most sponsors, though, keep it arms-length to avoid this, requiring only financial reporting and basic compliance. They might even cut ties if a project veers into illegal territory, as their own 501(c)(3) status could be jeopardized by association with violence or lawbreaking.
For the grassroots group, this setup still works well: they get resources to mobilize without needing their own nonprofit status. If things go south, legal liability would likely fall on the individuals or the unincorporated group itself, not the sponsor—unless evidence shows the sponsor was complicit. It’s a practical shield for the sponsor, but not a total free pass for the project. Both sides have to navigate that line carefully.
You’re likely asking yourself whether fiscal sponsors can facilitate anonymous donations to the projects they support, and the answer is yes—there’s a framework for that, though it’s not unique to fiscal sponsors. It’s more about how nonprofit donation rules work in the U.S. under IRS guidelines, and fiscal sponsors can absolutely play a role in keeping donors anonymous to the public or even to the sponsored project itself.
Here’s how it shakes out: When someone donates to a 501(c)(3) fiscal sponsor—like Tides or Fractured Atlas—the donor gives to the sponsor, not directly to the project. The sponsor then allocates the funds to the project per the donor’s intent. Nonprofits aren’t required to publicly disclose donor identities under federal law (think IRS Form 990, which lists totals but not names). So, if a donor wants anonymity, they can simply instruct the fiscal sponsor not to publicize their identity, and the sponsor can comply. The project might never even know who the donor was, just that funds came through.
There’s also a common setup called a “donor-advised fund” (DAF) that can layer on more anonymity, and some fiscal sponsors use or partner with DAFs. A donor gives to a DAF (like one run by Fidelity or Schwab), which is itself a 501(c)(3), and then advises that it send money to the fiscal sponsor for a specific project. The sponsor gets the cash from the DAF, not the individual, so the donor’s name stays out of it entirely. It’s a clean, legal way to keep things under wraps.
For the fiscal sponsor, this is business as usual—they’re already set up to handle donations and pass them along. They just need to track the funds internally for IRS purposes (private records, not public). The framework’s built into the 501(c)(3) system: no special rules needed beyond standard nonprofit compliance. So, yes, a grassroots project—like one organizing protests—could benefit from anonymous donors via a fiscal sponsor, keeping the money flowing without exposing who’s behind it. The sponsor’s not liable for how the funds are used beyond ensuring it fits their charitable mission, and the donor stays in the shadows if they choose.
Wow are you as shocked as I am 🫣
I wonder if cryptocurrencies can be used and how that would work 🧐
Let’s see…….
Holy smokes this framework can absolutely operate using cryptocurrencies, and it’s already happening in some cases. Fiscal sponsors, as 501(c)(3) nonprofits, can accept donations in any form of value—cash, stocks, property, or crypto— as long as they handle it within IRS rules. The rise of digital currencies like Bitcoin or Ethereum just adds a modern twist to the same old nonprofit playbook, including anonymous giving.
Here’s how it works: A donor sends cryptocurrency to the fiscal sponsor’s wallet, just like they’d send dollars to a bank account. The sponsor can then either hold it as an asset, convert it to cash via an exchange (like Coinbase or Binance), or transfer it directly to the sponsored project if the project’s set up to receive it. The IRS treats crypto as property, not currency, so the donation’s value is based on its fair market price at the time it’s received. The sponsor reports that value on their books, and the donor can claim a tax deduction if they itemize—no different from donating stocks.
Anonymity fits in seamlessly. Crypto transactions are pseudonymous by nature—tied to wallet addresses, not names. If a donor uses a fresh wallet and avoids linking it to their identity (like through a KYC’d exchange account), the fiscal sponsor might not even know who sent it. They’d just see the funds hit their wallet and allocate them to the project as instructed, maybe via a note in the transaction data. Pair this with a donor-advised fund that accepts crypto (some do, like Fidelity’s), and you’ve got another layer: the DAF takes the crypto, then funnels cash to the sponsor, keeping the donor’s identity buried.
Practical example: A social justice project under a fiscal sponsor like Fractured Atlas could get Bitcoin from an anonymous donor. Fractured Atlas receives it, cashes it out (or keeps it, if they’re crypto-savvy), takes their fee, and sends the rest to the project’s budget. The project never sees the donor’s details, and the blockchain’s public ledger only shows wallet IDs, not people. Nonprofits like The Giving Block already help 501(c)(3)s process crypto donations, so the infrastructure’s there.
Challenges exist—crypto’s volatility means the value might shift before conversion, and sponsors need to ensure compliance with anti-money-laundering rules. But the framework? It’s just an extension of how they’ve always handled donations. Crypto’s just another tool, and for anonymity-focused donors or projects, it’s a natural fit.
Are you wondering how many fiscal sponsor NGOS operate like this cause I am ……..
Fiscal sponsorship is a common practice among 501(c)(3) organizations in the United States, allowing them to support emerging projects or groups by extending their tax-exempt status. This arrangement enables sponsored entities to receive tax-deductible donations and grants without obtaining independent 501(c)(3) recognition.
Prevalence of Fiscal Sponsorship:
•Growth Over Time: The number of fiscal sponsors has increased alongside the expansion of the nonprofit sector. Notably, 268 sponsors listed in the Fiscal Sponsor Directory began offering services since 2000, indicating a growing trend in fiscal sponsorship.
•Scope of Sponsorship: The Fiscal Sponsor Directory currently lists 376 fiscal sponsors overseeing a total of 20,566 projects. This illustrates the widespread adoption of fiscal sponsorship across various sectors.
Examples of Fiscal Sponsors:
•Fractured Atlas: Specializing in the arts and culture sector, Fractured Atlas is one of the largest fiscal sponsors, supporting approximately 4,000 projects.
•Tides Center: Offers comprehensive fiscal sponsorship and nonprofit management services, currently supporting over 140 projects.
While the exact number of 501(c)(3) organizations offering fiscal sponsorship is not precisely documented, the available data indicates that several hundred nonprofits serve as fiscal sponsors, collectively supporting tens of thousands of projects. This model provides a viable pathway for initiatives to operate under an existing nonprofit’s tax-exempt status, facilitating fundraising and program development without the immediate need to establish an independent 501(c)(3) entity.
I want to know what “projects” these organizations sponsor, how about you? Let’s look…….👀
Compiling a comprehensive list of all projects operating under fiscal sponsorship through organizations like Fractured Atlas and the Tides Center is challenging due to the vast number of projects and the dynamic nature of these partnerships.
Fractured Atlas:
•Overview: Fractured Atlas specializes in fiscal sponsorship for artists and arts-related projects. As of recent data, they have sponsored over 3,500 projects across various artistic disciplines.
•Exploring Sponsored Projects: While Fractured Atlas does not publicly list all sponsored projects, they frequently feature select projects and grant opportunities on their blog. To discover more about their sponsored projects:
•Blog: Visit their Inciter Art blog where they highlight upcoming grants and occasionally showcase projects.
•Social Media: Follow Fractured Atlas on platforms like Facebook and Twitter for updates and features on sponsored projects.
•Direct Inquiry: For specific information, consider reaching out to Fractured Atlas directly via their contact page.
(Yeah, I’m sure they are Transparent 🤣)
Tides Center:
•Overview: The Tides Center provides fiscal sponsorship to initiatives focusing on social justice and progressive causes. They have sponsored over 1,400 projects since their inception.
•Exploring Sponsored Projects: The Tides Center does not maintain a public directory of all sponsored projects. However, they offer insights into their partnerships through various channels:
•Website: Learn about their fiscal sponsorship model and featured projects on the Tides website.
•News and Updates: The Tides blog occasionally highlights stories and achievements of their sponsored projects.
•Donor Portal: The Tides Center donation page lists active projects eligible for donations, providing insight into current initiatives under their sponsorship.
•Direct Inquiry: For detailed information, consider contacting the Tides Center through their contact page.
Additional Resources:
•Fiscal Sponsor Directory: The Fiscal Sponsor Directory provides information on various fiscal sponsors, including Fractured Atlas and the Tides Center, and may offer insights into their sponsored projects.
I am not satisfied with this information are you? I wonder How can I see what projects or organizations operate under Tides center for example: a lot of protest have been organized under this framework how can I get a list of those organizations? Let’s look deeper shall we…….
The Tides Center serves as a fiscal sponsor for numerous initiatives, providing them with administrative support and tax-exempt status under its 501(c)(3) designation. While Tides Center does not publicly disclose a comprehensive list of its sponsored projects, certain methods and resources can help identify some of these organizations, particularly those involved in organizing protests:
Tides Center’s Donation Portal: donatenow.networkforgood.org/1442917
•Overview: Tides Center’s donation platform lists active projects eligible for funding.
•Access: Visit the Tides Center Donation Page.
•Navigation: On this page, you’ll find a dropdown menu or list featuring various projects currently under Tides Center’s sponsorship.
Several organizations and news outlets have identified specific projects under Tides Center’s sponsorship, especially those associated with protest activities:
•Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC): Known for organizing “Block the Boat” demonstrations targeting Israeli-owned ships, AROC is a fiscally sponsored project of Tides Center. ngo-monitor.org/ngos/arab-reso…
•Palestine Legal: Provides legal support to activists involved in pro-Palestinian protests and is fiscally sponsored by Tides Center.
•Adalah Justice Project: Engages in advocacy related to Palestinian rights and operates under Tides Center’s fiscal sponsorship.
Fiscal Sponsor Directory: fiscalsponsordirectory.org/?page_id=573
•Resource: The Fiscal Sponsor Directory provides information on various fiscal sponsors, including Tides Center.
•Details: While it may not list all sponsored projects, it offers insights into Tides Center’s sponsorship model and contact information.
IRS Form 990 Filings:
•Purpose: Nonprofit organizations, including Tides Center, are required to file Form 990 annually, detailing their financial activities and affiliations.
•Access: Platforms like ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer provide access to these filings. causeiq.com/organizations/…
•Usage: Reviewing these documents can reveal information about grants and sponsored projects associated with Tides Center.
Considerations:
While these resources can help identify some of the projects and organizations operating under Tides Center’s sponsorship, it’s important to note that not all sponsored projects may be publicly listed or easily identifiable. Additionally, the involvement of these projects in protest activities varies, and their inclusion under Tides Center’s sponsorship does not necessarily imply endorsement of all their actions.
So I wanted to see how some of the current organizations that I have placed myself into investigating their calls to action like “Take Down Tesla”
Operate and how they connect to this framework via crowdsourcing their funds and not operating as a 501(c)3. Let’s take a look at……
General Strike USA, District 13, #Shutdown315, and Voices Ignited have all been active in organizing and promoting protests targeting Elon Musk’s role in government, President Trump’s hardline policies, and the DOGE program. Their campaigns include mass strikes, rallies (“No Kings” President’s Day events), and economic protests like Tesla Takedown, all aiming to pressure Musk/Trump or undermine Musk’s businesses as leverage.
Indirect Funding via Fiscal Sponsors and Donor-Advised Funds: Major progressive philanthropies like Tides Center (and its sister, Tides Foundation) often act as intermediaries to channel money into grassroots movements. Rather than donating directly to an ad-hoc protest or individual organizer, large donors will fund a sponsor organization (a 501(c)(3) or similar) that in turn supports the activist project. Tides is essentially a “clearing house” for liberal donors – George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, for example, gave at least $3.5 million to Tides (earmarked for certain programs) . Tides then re-grants those funds to on-the-ground groups. In the Occupy Wall Street era, Tides had given Adbusters (the anti-capitalist magazine that sparked OWS) $185,000 from 2001–2010 . This led critics to claim Soros “funded” OWS indirectly; Soros’s camp denied directing money to that specific protest , but the flow was clear: donor money moved through Tides to activism initiatives. Similarly, in 2023–2024 campus protests, two groups leading demonstrations (IfNotNow and Jewish Voice for Peace) were grantees of Tides Foundation, which Soros “seeded” and Gates Foundation previously supported . Tides “supports numerous small nonprofits that work for social change” and can funnel big-donor money to them . Notably, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund – another major donor – has given grants directly to Tides Foundation and Tides Center , effectively enlarging Tides’s pool for funding activism.
Grants to Intermediary Groups Supporting Protests: In practice, foundations don’t usually cut checks to individual protest organizers or GoFundMe pages; they use intermediaries. These might be fiscal sponsor nonprofits that house dozens of activist “projects” under one tax-exempt roof. The Tides Center itself serves as a fiscal sponsor for many advocacy campaigns. For example, the Arab Resource & Organizing Center (AROC), which led a direct-action port blockade protest in 2023, operates as a project of Tides Center – legally “there is no distinction between the Tides Center and [AROC]” . In other words, AROC’s staff are Tides Center employees, and its funding flows through Tides. This arrangement allowed Tides-backed activists to rapidly set up a “pop-up” protest campaign under Tides’ umbrella . (It also means Tides assumes financial and legal responsibility – a fact that raised concern when AROC’s protest triggered a federal investigation .) Another example: Adalah Justice Project – a group active in street protests – has been a fiscally sponsored project of Tides Center since 2016 . In short, Tides often incubates and bankrolls protest-driving organizations behind the scenes . This indirect model is common across the progressive funding world. The Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ) is another hub that sponsors grassroots protest initiatives (from Refuse Fascism to bail funds); it too receives large foundation grants. Tides Foundation’s tax filings show it granted $286,000 in 2023 to AFGJ (ostensibly for “environmental” projects), and in prior years Tides gave AFGJ even larger sums . AFGJ then re-grants or fiscally hosts many street-level activist efforts. In fact, InfluenceWatch notes AFGJ is funded by Soros’s OSF, Tides, Arca, Surdna, etc., and provides sponsorship for “numerous left-wing initiatives” .
This layering of support means a wealthy donor can give to (or through) Tides or a similar fund, which then supports an intermediary like AFGJ or a Tides-sponsored project, which then supplies resources (money, staff, legal aid) to the actual protest movement. The money trail becomes multi-hop. As Politico observed, this creates “blurred lines” – donations might be tagged for a broad issue area but end up in a pool that can fuel various tactics (even ones the original donor might not publicly endorse) .
Crowdfunding Platforms and “Grassroots” Funds: Movements like General Strike USA/#Shutdown315 and Voices Ignited have relied heavily on crowdfunding and small donors, at least on the surface. For instance, activists planning a nationwide “shutdown” on March 15, 2025 (#Shutdown315) framed it as a purely people-powered general strike effort – encouraging millions of Americans to refrain from work and spending for a day . The coalition behind it (often branded as “The General Strike”) solicits support through social media and its website, and lists dozens of partner groups ranging from local mutual aid networks to established nonprofits . One partner is “National Strike Fund” run by activist Rebecca Parson, which is literally a GoFundMe campaign to aid striking workers . Likewise, Voices Ignited – a newer protest-organizing network – set up a GoFundMe titled “Drive Reform with Community Collaboration,” raising modest sums (just ~$2,500 so far) from individual contributors . Its fundraiser page describes funding needs like grassroots organizing, community support, “resources for peaceful protests,” and secure communications – all phrased as a bottom-up movement. These crowdfunding efforts are ostensibly fueled by many small donations (often $10–$25 apiece) , suggesting genuine grassroots backing. District 13 – the protest “movement house” opened in D.C. after Trump’s election – was similarly launched via crowdfunding. In late 2016 the Millennials for Revolution group raised money on the Crowdpac platform, gathering about $12,000 in small donations toward a $30,000 goal (they ultimately aimed for $50k to cover a year’s rent) . Organizers like Moumita Ahmed and Stan Williams explicitly turned to the public for funds, positioning District 13 as a scrappy volunteer-driven project . No major foundation was publicly attached to District 13’s funding at inception – its support came from crowdfunding and possibly in-kind help from allied groups (e.g. activists from Color of Change and others volunteered there ).
Do Foundations Quietly Seed These Crowdfunds? The open record shows mostly grassroots fundraising for General Strike USA, Voices Ignited, etc., but that doesn’t rule out indirect infusions behind the scenes. Large NGOs could support such movements by granting funds to a friendly nonprofit, which then provides resources or even anonymously donates to the GoFundMe. However, concrete evidence of a grant-to-crowdfund pipeline for these specific cases is scant. Typically, if a protest campaign lacks a formal nonprofit status, a funder might insist it get a fiscal sponsor before receiving any large grant – for accountability and tax reasons. (Foundations generally do not give grants to private individuals for political activism, and doing so to then have the individual contribute to a GoFundMe would be an unusual, convoluted route.) Instead, donors back an organization that can spend on the protest’s needs. For example, a foundation might grant money to a civil rights nonprofit or a community organizing group that is helping coordinate a protest or paying bail for demonstrators. Those funds indirectly sustain the protest effort, even if the money isn’t literally deposited into a GoFundMe account. We saw this in 2020, when charitable bail funds and mutual aid groups (some under fiscal sponsors) received sudden influxes of foundation and celebrity donations, while also raising small-donor money online. In our cases: Shutdown 315 is actually a “decentralized network” within the General Strike coalition . If any established nonprofit in that network (say, a labor union or a justice group) got a grant earmarked for “general strike organizing,” it could funnel that into printing protest signs, covering travel stipends, etc., thus bolstering the movement without a direct GoFundMe contribution. Similarly, Voices Ignited might in the future seek a sponsor or 501(c)(4) partner to handle larger donations as it grows. So far, though, its known funding is the GoFundMe run by its organizer Jarom Gillins – no grant listings yet tie it to an intermediary.
Known Funding Pathways and Records: What is documented in filings and investigations is that big donors and foundations have indeed financed the ecosystem from which these protests emerge. Tides, for instance, openly acknowledges hosting “a community of fiscally sponsored projects, donors, and grantees” representing diverse social justice causes . Many progressive protest efforts – climate strikes, racial justice marches, pro-democracy rallies – have benefitted from this infrastructure. A recent Politico analysis confirmed that wealthy liberal donors (Soros, the Pritzkers, Rockefeller Jr., etc.) are inadvertently backing some protests that target officials they otherwise support, precisely because their money flows through intermediaries. In Politico’s example, Soros’s foundation and others fund Tides and similar funds, which in turn support groups like JVP and IfNotNow at the forefront of Gaza-related campus protests . Another case: Patagonia’s charitable arm gave over $17 million to Tides Foundation/Center in the past decade (ostensibly for environmental projects) . Tides then had ample resources to support various “social ventures,” some of which engaged in radical protest actions (to Patagonia’s chagrin, some funds apparently ended up with groups tied to militant anti-Israel activism) . In yet another instance, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund (RBF) – while funding climate and democracy initiatives – contributed to Tides, and simultaneously RBF directly granted nearly $500,000 to Jewish Voice for Peace (a protest-leading group) over five years . All of this illustrates a common donor flow: big foundations give to intermediaries (Tides, New Venture Fund, etc.), which either grant onward to activist nonprofits or host projects directly. Those activist entities then mobilize grassroots campaigns on the ground. The funding pathway can be multi-layered and opaque, but with some digging it emerges. For example, tax disclosures show Tides gave $625,000+ to Alliance for Global Justice in 2021 and nearly $2 million in 2020 – money that would support AFGJ’s many sponsored protest projects. In 2024, Tides confirmed that Palestine Legal and Adalah Justice Project are Tides Center projects, and JVP/IfNotNow are Tides grantees , underlining that Tides is deeply entwined with activist networks. And as Reuters reported, Tides itself has partnered with Ford and Gates Foundation and managed hundreds of millions in donor-advised funds for left-leaning causes .
Indirect Support Yes, Crowdfunding Conduit Less Clear: In summary, organizations like the Tides Center absolutely use indirect mechanisms to finance grassroots protest movements, though the aid usually comes via nonprofit-to-nonprofit grants rather than cash handoffs to individual activists. Tides and its peers act as philanthropic pass-throughs: they receive money from donors (who may wish to remain at arm’s length), and then provide grants or fiscal sponsorship to activist groups that lead protests . This “dark money” structure has enabled the funding of protests ranging from Occupy Wall Street to Black Lives Matter bail funds to anti-Trump “movement houses.” With respect to General Strike USA, #Shutdown315, District 13, and Voices Ignited, there is no public evidence that Tides or any major NGO is directly funneling money into their GoFundMe/GiveSendGo coffers. Those campaigns appear to rely on volunteer energy and small donations (District 13 raised tens of thousands via Crowdpac in 2016 ; Voices Ignited is soliciting individual donors on GoFundMe now ). However, these movements do not exist in a vacuum – they are often connected to or supported by established organizations. It’s possible that some partner groups in the General Strike coalition receive foundation grants, which indirectly aid the strike effort (for example, a labor union or nonprofit lending staff, materials, or meeting space due to outside funding). If any “anonymous” large donations showed up in the crowdfunding, they could conceivably trace back to a sympathetic benefactor using a cut-out. But to date, the funding pathways for these specific protest initiatives haven’t been traced in detail through public filings. What we can say is that the model of big donors empowering protest movements via intermediaries is well-documented. Tides officials openly state they are “committed to advancing social justice” and that their constellation of projects and grantees span many viewpoints on how to achieve it . In practical terms, that means a Tides-sponsored project can pay for protest logistics or activist salaries using grant money that originated from a donor-advised fund at Tides. By the time the street protest happens or a crowdfunding page launches to cover extra expenses, significant support may already have come through this behind-the-scenes pipeline. As one nonprofit advisor noted, this is simply “the way things work” in philanthropy – donors contribute to an organization’s general mission, and those funds free up capacity to engage in movement-building, even if the donor and activist tactics aren’t perfectly aligned .
In conclusion, yes – groups like the Tides Center use indirect funding pathways to bolster grassroots protests, primarily by granting to intermediary nonprofits or fiscally sponsoring activist networks that then spearhead movements. These intermediaries can then contribute to or organize crowdfunding efforts in support of protests, though the money trail is intentionally layered and obscured. Public grant records and 990 forms show substantial funding flowing from elite donors → to Tides and similar funds → to activist organizations (e.g. Tides to Adbusters for Occupy , Tides to AFGJ for myriad protest projects , or Tides sponsoring entities like AROC and Adalah that engage in direct action ). In the specific cases of General Strike USA, Shutdown 315, District 13, and Voices Ignited, their frontline funding comes from grassroots donations, but they operate in an environment fertilized by larger progressive philanthropy. As the Reuters fact-check on OWS summed up, major donors often do contribute indirectly – not as a nefarious puppet-master trick, but by supporting the broader “pool of funds” that activist groups draw from . Thus, while you won’t see “Tides Center” listed on a GoFundMe page, the “donor flow” behind many protest movements indeed snakes back to big foundations via intermediaries . The available evidence shows a pattern of these grant-to-sponsor-to-crowd actions, even if each link in the chain isn’t always publicly disclosed. Sources: The Reuters report on Occupy funding ; Politico’s analysis of foundation money in campus protests ; Washington Free Beacon on Tides Center’s fiscal sponsorship of protest groups ; Free Beacon/tax records on Tides grants to Alliance for Global Justice ; NGO Monitor data on Tides funding flows ; news coverage of District 13’s Crowdpac fundraiser ; and the Voices Ignited GoFundMe description , among others.
Over the past week, conservative influencers like Chase Geiser and Gunther Eagleman have faced armed police at their doors, part of a chilling wave of at least a dozen incidents since mid-March 2025. Days earlier, a massive X hack by Dark Storm Team ( via my research) disrupted the platform. Coincidence?
(I had my own issues just a week prior that may or may not be related)
Maybe not. Hacking groups like Lizard Squad, PoodleCorp, LulzSec (Revivals) , and even a Telegram outfit called Torswats have a history of turning digital chaos into real-world terror, often using kids and cryptocurrency.
The FBI’s been tracking this for years—yet here we are, with swatting spiking and answers scarce. Buckle up: this is bigger than you think.
Long thread, but this needs to get out: @DataRepublican
@FBIDirectorKash
@elonmusk
@OwenShroyer1776
@nicksortor
@catturd2
@realchasegeiser
@realchasegeiser
@joetalkshow
@GuntherEagleman
@Shawn_Farash
@RealHickory
@WCdispatch_
@GrageDustin
@matt_vanswol
@Beard_Vet
@LarryTaunton
@ImFiredUp2
@atensnut
@OwenShroyer1776
Recent Swatting IncidentsOver the past week, multiple conservative influencers, including Chase Geiser, Joe Pags, Gunther Eagleman, and Nick Sortor, have been targeted in swatting incidents, where fake emergency calls send armed police to their homes. At least a dozen such cases were reported since mid-March 2025, with the FBI investigating, as stated by Director Kash Patel on March 14, 2025 (FBI Investigating Swatting Incidents). These incidents, possibly politically motivated, have raised concerns about safety and free speech.
March 2025 X HackOn March 10, 2025, X experienced a DDoS attack claimed by Dark Storm Team, disrupting service but not stealing data (X Hack March 2025 Cyberattack Details). While the timing aligns with swatting surges, no direct connection was found, as the attack focused on service disruption, not address exposure.
FBI Awareness and Historical ContextThe FBI has been aware of swatting for years, with Director Patel noting it as a “dangerous trend” on March 14, 2025. Swatting has been a known issue since at least 2017, with high-profile cases like the Wichita incident, but the recent targeting of conservative voices has escalated scrutiny (Swatting Trend Explained with Recent Cases).
Unexpected DetailAn unexpected finding is how swatting incidents, possibly politically motivated, align with the X hack’s timing, suggesting a broader harassment campaign rather than a direct data breach link, though this remains speculative.
Comprehensive Analysis of Hacking Groups and Potential Involvement in Recent Swatting Incidents
This report provides a detailed examination of whether hacking groups, including “Torswats Telegram,” Lizard Squad, PoodleCorp, LulzSec, and Anonymous, could be involved in recent swatting incidents over the last week and a half, as of March 20, 2025, particularly in the context of the March 2025 X hack and the swatting of conservative influencers. The analysis draws from extensive web searches and aims to cover all relevant details, including the FBI’s awareness and historical context, while acknowledging the complexity.
Background on Hacking Groups and Patterns
The histories of DDoS-for-hire services, like PoodleCorp, could be used to obtain individuals’ addresses, while groups like Lizard Squad or LulzSec might call in swatting events or use kids for physical targeting. Swatting is a form of criminal harassment involving false emergency reports to dispatch SWAT teams to a target’s address, often obtained through hacking, doxing, or data breaches (Swatting Wikipedia). The groups in question have documented activities that align with these patterns, particularly in digital disruption and real-world harassment.
Identified Hacking Groups and Their Activities
1.Lizard Squad:
•Activities: Lizard Squad is known for distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, primarily targeting gaming services like PlayStation Network and Xbox Live, and running DDoS-for-hire services. Members like Zachary Buchta (aka “@fbiarelosers,” “@xotehpoodle”) and Julius Kivimäki (aka “zeekill”) were arrested for related crimes, with Buchta charged in 2016 for computer crimes involving DDoS attacks and stolen credit cards (Lizard Squad Wikipedia Detailed History). Their swatting history includes hoax bomb threats, with a Canadian teen member convicted in 2015 for targeting gamers (The Guardian Lizard Squad Swatting Incidents).
•DDoS-for-Hire and Address Targeting: Their booter services, like those operated by Buchta, could theoretically be used to overwhelm targets, potentially exposing personal information, including addresses, through associated data breaches or social engineering.
•Swatting Involvement: Lizard Squad’s swatting tactics align with calling in hoax emergencies, terrorizing homes via police responses, as seen in their 2015 cases.
•Recent Activity: No specific 2025 activities were found, with the most recent mentions from 2016 arrests, suggesting possible dormancy.
🚨 Kash, I’m calling on you at the FBI to investigate this explosive evidence: Antifa ran a highly coordinated operation leading to Jan 6, 2021, using Parler with tactical codes straight out of intelligence agency playbooks to evade detection. The FBI had this data but ignored it—I believe intentionally. Screenshots, sources, and a deep dive below. Buckle up for a detailed thread! 🧵
The Stakes – Parler Data and FBI’s Role
The FBI gained access to Parler’s servers after AWS shut it down on Jan 10, 2021, following the Capitol riot. Parler sent over 50 warnings about violent content—including specific threats to the Capitol—before Jan 6. Yet, FBI Director Chris Wray testified there was “no indication” of Antifa involvement. How could they miss this? Was it deliberate? Let’s dive into the evidence that suggests a cover-up.
Source: dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9…
December 17, 2020 – A Funded Operation with Intelligence-Grade Codes
Here’s the first smoking gun, a screenshot from @AntifaHQInfo on Parler, dated 12/17/20: “We getting paid, boys. #wooohoo #portland team P3FZNW4G.” This isn’t just a protest group—this is a funded operation targeting Portland, a known Antifa hotspot. The code “P3FZNW4G” isn’t random; it’s a tactical identifier, 7-8 characters long, mixing letters and numbers, exactly like codes used by the CIA or MI6 to designate teams or locations while evading detection. Think Enigma-style encryption from WWII—randomized to prevent decryption by outsiders like the FBI or Parler mods. This level of sophistication screams professional coordination.
[Attach Screenshot from 12/17/20]
This was a paid op, and they knew how to hide it.
December 19, 2020 – Tactical Precursor with Smoke Canisters and Codes
Fast forward to 12/19/20: “Good op tonight, folks. Splash 8!) Those canisters all held smoke btw. Reminder don’t follow this account. H6BS5Q4T.” Smoke canisters are a classic protest tactic—Portland Antifa used them in 2020 to obscure movements during clashes with police. But notice the code “H6BS5Q4T”—another 7-8 character alphanumeric sequence, just like “P3FZNW4G.” Intelligence agencies use these to mark operations or locations, like the NSA’s XKEYSCORE identifiers for surveillance targets. The “don’t follow” warning shows they were dodging surveillance, a hallmark of covert ops. This op was likely a test run for Jan 6, and the code ensured only insiders knew the details.
[Attach Screenshot from 12/19/20]
Portland’s history of Antifa protests backs this up, but the FBI missed it. Why?
I’m begging you to sit with this story and feel it.
This morning at 3:30 AM. I’m in bed with my wife, our three young kids asleep down the hall. Suddenly, there’s this violent pounding on our door,like someone’s trying to break in. My wife and I awaken in terror, ‘Someone’s beating on our door!’ Our German Shepherd is losing it, barking louder than I’ve ever heard.
I leap out of bed, heart pounding, my only thought,protect my family. I don’t know who’s out there or what they want. I grab my handgun, tell my wife to stay with the kids, and head to the door, adrenaline surging.
I peek out the window,two figures, all in black masks covering their faces. My stomach drops. I yell to my wife, ‘Call the cops!’ as she’s screaming, ‘Don’t go out there!’ But I have to I can’t let whoever this is get closer to my kids. I step outside, gun ready, and see them move to my neighbor’s house, pounding again, relentless. I run over, shouting, thinking they’re about to break in there too. Then they turn, coming down the driveway toward me, shadows between two cars, silent and fast. I’m yelling, ‘Stop! Get on the ground!’
but they keep coming.
I’m backing up, gun aimed, finger on the trigger, as I scream again, ‘STOP NOW!’
I don’t know who they are, what they’re armed with, or why they’re here.
Everything slows down, like a nightmare you can’t wake from. They’re close now, too close. One more step, and I’m ready to pull that trigger to end the threat. Suddly after I yell “GET ON THE GROUND OR I WILL SHOOT” they stop.
They drop to their knees. One yanks off a mask, and I freeze. It’s a girl’s face. A kid.
I lower my gun, ‘HOW FUCKING OLD ARE YOU?’ She mumbles, ‘14. We were just bored, ding-dong ditching.’ The other pulls their mask off, another teenager. No weapons. No threat. Just kids.
I clear my gun, hands trembling, and it hits me, I almost shot two children. My anger explodes, but then relief floods in, and I’m dizzy with it. I could’ve ended their lives, left their parents grieving, changed my own family forever,all because I didn’t know. To me, they were intruders, faceless,in the dark.
Cops came, took them home, I guess. I walked back inside, told my wife, tucked my kids in again. It’s 5 AM now. I’m sitting here with coffee, adrenaline crashing, replaying every second. I burst into tears, puked, because if I’d pressed that trigger a little harder, two bored kids would be gone. Their families destroyed. Mine too.
God was there in that moment, guiding my hand to pause. I’m still a wreck, crying as I write this. Parents, please,teach your kids every action has a reaction. They didn’t know how close they came to dying. I didn’t know they were just kids. One split-second decision in the dark could’ve ended it all. Talk to them.
I will put out an update on this post soon, I had contacted with the parents of one of the children involved.
I have read, every comment positive and negative, and I appreciate your feedback as the purpose of this post was to educate on a very difficult situation that occurred. God Bless 🙏❤️
For those “who know the law oh so well”
And believe they can give me “Gun safety tips or I over stepped my boundaries.” You may wanna take you own advice and get some training! Thanks
Missouri’s Relevant Laws 1. Defense of Others (RSMo § 563.031):
- You’re justified in using force, including deadly force, to protect your neighbor if you reasonably believe it’s necessary to prevent imminent death, serious physical injury, or certain felonies (e.g., rape, robbery, or burglary).
- The key is “reasonable belief”—you don’t need absolute proof the threat was real, but your perception must align with what a typical person would think in that moment.
- You can use deadly force only if it’s proportionate to the threat (e.g., the attacker has a weapon or is actively harming your neighbor).
2. Castle Doctrine (RSMo § 563.031.2):
- Missouri’s castle doctrine applies to your own home, vehicle, or other legally occupied property. If an intruder enters your neighbor’s home while you’re there (e.g., as a guest), and you defend your neighbor, the law presumes you acted reasonably if the entry was unlawful and forceful.
- It doesn’t directly extend to your neighbor’s property if you’re not there, but it overlaps with defense of others when protecting people.
3. Stand-Your-Ground (RSMo § 563.031.1):
- Missouri expanded its stand-your-ground law in 2016, meaning you have no duty to retreat before using force if you’re in a place where you have a legal right to be—including public spaces or your neighbor’s property (with permission).
- This applies to defending yourself or your neighbor, so you’re covered whether the attack happens in their home, your yard, or the street.
4. Protection of Property (RSMo § 563.041):
- Missouri allows deadly force to stop arson, burglary, or felony theft on your own property under certain conditions (e.g., if the criminal act involves a threat to life). However, this doesn’t clearly extend to your neighbor’s property unless the situation escalates to a personal threat.
Applying This to Defending Your Neighbor
- Neighbor’s Life in Danger: If your neighbor is being attacked (e.g., an armed intruder in their home or yard), and you intervene with force, Missouri’s "defense of others" and stand-your-ground laws would likely justify your actions. For example:
- You hear screams, run over, and see someone with a knife attacking your neighbor. Shooting the attacker would probably be legally defensible if you believed your neighbor’s life was at stake.
- On Your Property: If the threat spills onto your land (e.g., an assailant chases your neighbor into your yard), the castle doctrine kicks in alongside defense of others, giving you even broader protection.
- Neighbor’s Property Only: If no one’s home and you’re just stopping a thief from stealing your neighbor’s TV, deadly force isn’t justified under "defense of others" (no person’s in danger). Missouri’s property defense laws are narrower here—you’d need to show the thief posed a threat to you or someone else, not just the property.
Key Conditions in Missouri
- Imminent Threat: The danger to your neighbor must be immediate—e.g., an active assault, not a vague “they might come back later.”
- Reasonableness: Your belief in the threat and the force you use must hold up as reasonable. Courts might ask: Did the attacker have a weapon? Were they fleeing or fighting?
- No Retreat Required: Thanks to stand-your-ground, you don’t have to try escaping before acting, whether you’re in your home, your neighbor’s driveway, or a public street.
Practical Scenarios 1. Armed Intruder: You see someone break into your neighbor’s house and hear them scream. You grab your gun, enter, and shoot the intruder to save your neighbor. Missouri law would likely back you up under "defense of others" and stand-your-ground. 2. Street Attack: An assailant attacks your neighbor outside. You intervene with force. Since you’re lawfully protected.
Who Funds the Democracy Alliance (DA)?
🚨 The Democracy Alliance (DA) is one of the most powerful dark money networks on the left, and it is bankrolled by a secretive group of billionaires, corporate donors, and labor unions.
📌 How DA’s Funding Model Works:
✅ Billionaire donors pool their money into DA’s secretive funding network.
✅ Funds are then moved through “pass-through” nonprofits like Arabella Advisors & Tides Foundation.
✅ These funds are distributed to activist groups, media organizations, and political initiatives.
✅ DA keeps donor names and amounts secret, shielding them from public scrutiny.
🚨 This allows billionaires to influence politics without their names appearing in FEC filings.
🔗 Source: How DA Operates as a Dark Money Pass-Through thefederalist.com/2024/04/10/ara…
📌 The Key Billionaire Donors Behind DA
🚨 DA is primarily bankrolled by a handful of billionaire megadonors who use their wealth to manipulate elections and policy.
💰 1️⃣ George Soros (Founder of Open Society Foundations, DA’s Largest Backer)
📌 Soros’ Influence Over DA:
✅ One of DA’s founding members & largest funders.
✅ Uses Open Society Foundations (OSF) to funnel money into DA-approved projects.
✅ Funds progressive prosecutors, election lawsuits, and radical activist organizations.
📌 How Soros Moves His Money:
🚨 Soros rarely donates directly to DA. Instead, he routes money through a network of nonprofits.
🔹 Open Society Foundations → Tides Foundation → DA-backed groups.
🔹 Arabella Advisors’ New Venture Fund → Media Matters & Brennan Center for Justice.
🔹 Justice & Public Safety PAC → Direct funding for DA-backed prosecutors.
🔗 Source: Soros’ Funding of DA & Progressive Causes
🚨 Soros has spent over $1.4 billion funding left-wing political causes in the U.S. alone.
📌 Key DA-Backed Groups Funded by Soros:
🔹 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) – Legal activism for progressive causes.
🔹 Center for American Progress – DA’s policy think tank, shaping government policies.
🔹 Brennan Center for Justice – Leads lawsuits against voter ID laws & election integrity measures.
🔗 Source: Soros’ Role in Funding Legal Activism law.stanford.edu/press/billiona…
🚨 Soros doesn’t just fund DA—he works directly with it to shape its strategy.
💰 2️⃣ Tom Steyer (Billionaire Climate Activist, DA’s Green New Deal Backer)
📌 Steyer’s Influence Over DA:
✅ Major DA donor focused on climate & environmental policy.
✅ Pushed for Green New Deal policies through DA-funded think tanks.
✅ Funds DA-backed election lawsuits to push climate regulations.
📌 How Steyer Moves His Money:
🔹 Steyer’s NextGen America → DA’s Youth Engagement Fund.
🔹 DA-backed Climate Fund → Lawsuits against fossil fuel companies.
🔹 DA-aligned media networks → Pro-Green New Deal propaganda.
🔗 Source: Steyer’s Role in Funding DA’s Climate Agenda
🚨 Steyer funds environmental lawsuits that DA uses to push its policy agenda.
📌 Key DA-Backed Groups Funded by Steyer:
🔹 NextGen America – Mobilizes young voters to support climate policies.
🔹 League of Conservation Voters – Funds pro-Green New Deal candidates.
🔹 Sierra Club – Leads lawsuits against energy companies & pipeline projects.
🔗 Source: Steyer’s Funding of Environmental Activism ft.com/content/3fbcb6…
🚨 Steyer’s money influences both elections and policy by backing DA-aligned groups.
How the Democracy Alliance (DA) Operates – The Left’s Dark Money Machine
The Democracy Alliance (DA) is not a traditional political action committee (PAC) or nonprofit. Instead, it is a secretive network of billionaire donors who meet behind closed doors to coordinate funding for progressive organizations, media, and legal activism—without direct contributions to candidates.
📌 What makes DA unique?
✅ It does not donate directly to candidates (to avoid FEC regulations).
✅ It holds private donor meetings where billionaires decide which groups to fund.
✅ It acts as a pass-through entity, moving billions in dark money to influence elections & policies.
✅ It funds voter registration drives, activist organizations, and left-wing media networks.
🔗 How DA Operates as a Dark Money Pass-Through
🚨 This is how DA influences politics without public accountability.
📌 The Structure of the Democracy Alliance (DA)
Unlike a typical political group, DA operates through a three-tiered system designed to launder dark money into political activism while shielding donors from scrutiny.
📍 How DA’s Money Moves:
💰 Step 1: DA Collects Money from Mega-Donors
🔹 Billionaires, corporations, & unions donate millions to DA-approved funds
🔹 No public FEC disclosures—the donations are hidden
💰 Step 2: DA Funnels Money to “Approved” Progressive Nonprofits
🔹 Instead of funding candidates, DA directs money to nonprofits, think tanks, & media
🔹 These organizations engage in voter registration, lawsuits, & political activism
💰 Step 3: The Nonprofits Carry Out DA’s Agenda
🔹 Media groups shape public opinion (Media Matters, Mother Jones)
🔹 Legal organizations fight conservative policies (Brennan Center for Justice, SPLC)
🔹 Voter operations drive turnout for Democrats (America Votes, Fair Fight)
🚨 By structuring money flow this way, DA avoids campaign finance laws.
🔗 How DA’s Structure Hides Its Donors
📢 How DA’s Private Meetings Decide America’s Political Future
DA hosts private, invitation-only donor summits where billionaires decide how to fund progressive operations nationwide.
📌 What happens at these meetings?
🔹 Mega-donors meet behind closed doors—no media allowed
🔹 They receive presentations from top leftist organizations
🔹 Decisions are made on which groups to fund for the next election cycle
🔹 The goal? Maximize progressive influence without donor accountability
🚨 These meetings are essentially secret government planning sessions—run by unelected billionaires.
🔗 Inside DA’s Secretive Donor Meetings
How the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) Operates: A Closer Look 🧵
The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), a London-based nonprofit founded in 2006, combats extremism, hate, and disinformation. But how does it operate, and who funds its mission? Let’s break it down. 👇
Funding Sources: ISD receives money from governments (US, UK, EU), private foundations (Gates Foundation, Open Society), and corporations (Meta, Google). These partnerships fuel its campaigns to shape online narratives.
Tech Partnerships: Collaborations with platforms like Meta, Microsoft, and Google empower ISD to recommend policies and influence content moderation. Their reach extends to tackling hate speech and “disinformation.”
Media Influence: ISD partners with mainstream outlets to amplify its reports and campaigns. Critics argue this allows funders to indirectly shape public discourse through ISD’s “anti-extremism” lens.
Transparency Concerns: Despite its mission to combat misinformation, ISD’s close ties to powerful entities raise questions about bias and the selective targeting of certain ideologies.
Whistleblower Protection: ISD claims to have strict accountability policies, but no internal disclosures or leaks have surfaced. They’ve also reported on external hack-and-leak campaigns tied to state actors.
ISD shapes global narratives under the banner of countering extremism, but its operations raise critical questions about transparency, influence, and bias. Who watches the watchdog? Follow along for a deeper dive into ISD’s structure and impact. 👀
Must watch: 👇👇👇
Listen to how the paint Republican Extremist across the Globe👀
The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) is a London-based nonprofit organization dedicated to countering extremism, hate, and disinformation globally. Established in 2006 by Sasha Havlicek and George Weidenfeld, ISD collaborates with governments, academic institutions, civil society organizations, and the private sector to develop strategies addressing these challenges.
Funding Sources
ISD’s funding is diverse, encompassing contributions from governments, private foundations, academic institutions, and corporations. Notable funders include:
•Government Agencies: ISD has received grants from various governmental bodies. For instance, in 2023, the U.S. Department of State awarded ISD a grant for initiatives in Germany.
•Private Foundations: Support has come from entities such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Omidyar Network, and the Open Society Foundations.
•Academic Institutions: Collaborations with universities like Cardiff University, McGill University, and the University of Denver contribute to ISD’s research and program development.
•Civil Society Organizations: Partnerships with groups such as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the McCain Institute at Arizona State University support ISD’s mission.
Financial Transparency
As a registered charity in the UK (Charity number: 1141069), ISD is required to submit annual financial reports to the Charity Commission for England and Wales. These reports provide detailed insights into their income, expenditures, and funding sources. Recent financial statements are accessible through the Charity Commission’s website.
In the United States, ISD operates as a tax-exempt organization (EIN: 27-1282489). Financial information, including IRS Form 990 filings, is available through platforms like ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer.
Funding Allocation
ISD allocates its funds toward various programs aimed at countering extremism and disinformation. For example, in a recent fiscal year, ISD-US reported expenses totaling over $4 million dedicated to counter-extremism and security work.
ISD’s funding model reflects a broad base of support from governmental bodies, private foundations, academic institutions, and civil society organizations. Their financial practices are subject to regulatory oversight in both the UK and the US, ensuring a degree of transparency in their operations.
The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) actively collaborates with various media outlets and platforms to disseminate its research and amplify its initiatives against extremism, hate, and disinformation.
Media Collaborations and Partnerships
•Online Civil Courage Initiative (OCCI): In partnership with Facebook, ISD launched OCCI in Germany in 2016, expanding to France and the UK in 2017. This initiative develops responses to hate speech and violent extremism on social media.
•Media Engagements: ISD frequently provides expert commentary and analysis to national media outlets and policymakers, educating public audiences and institutions about extremism and disinformation. For instance, Jared Holt, an ISD researcher, has contributed to various media discussions on these topics.
•Research Publications: ISD’s reports, such as “Bankrolling Bigotry,” analyze online funding strategies of hate groups, providing valuable insights to media outlets covering these issues.
Media Coverage and Reports
ISD’s work has been featured in numerous media reports, highlighting its role in combating online extremism:
•Anti-LGBTQ Hate Online: A report by ISD found that anti-drag narratives originating in the U.S. have influenced global discussions, with footprints in countries like Australia, Ireland, and France.
•Far-Right Activities on Gaming Platforms: ISD’s investigations have uncovered far-right communities operating on platforms like Steam and Discord, shedding light on the spread of extremist ideologies in online gaming spaces.
Media Bias and Credibility
According to Media Bias/Fact Check, ISD is dedicated to combating extremism, hate, and disinformation. The organization collaborates internationally with governments, NGOs, and the private sector to strengthen democratic processes and social cohesion.
ISD’s collaborations with media outlets and platforms are integral to its mission of countering extremism and disinformation. Through strategic partnerships, expert analyses, and comprehensive reports, ISD influences public discourse and informs policy decisions on a global scale.