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May 2 9 tweets 10 min read Read on X
1/ For years, the pattern has held. A White person makes a comment, sometimes crude, sometimes merely unfashionable. A video is clipped, stripped of context, and cast into the digital coliseum. The crowd demands penance. Doxing follows. Then come the sponsors, the employers, the journalists. The result is always the same: apology, groveling, ruin.

This is not justice, it never was. It is a moral spectacle, a purification ritual for the postmodern West, where the cleansing agent is White submission. The apology is not meant to be accepted, but to affirm the guilt of the group. The goal is not reconciliation, but re-education, humiliation, silence.

But this time, with the case of Shiloh Hendrix, the script cracked. Her personal details were posted online. She received death threats. Her children were targeted. And yet, she did not capitulate. She did not appear on camera with quivering voice and downcast eyes. She launched a fundraiser.

And White people responded.

Not the media, not the institutions, not the credentialed class, but ordinary White people. Tens of thousands poured in to support her. The platform, GiveSendGo—not GoFundMe, which routinely bans dissidents—reported over $250,000 raised in days. These were not donations. These are the stirrings of something new. Each dollar said, “We see what you are doing, and we are done pretending.”

This is more than a defense of one woman. It is a rejection of the moral framework that made her a target. The Hendrix affair is not the first of its kind. But it is one of the first to end differently. No apology. No resignation. No collapse. Instead: resistance. And that, more than anything else, signals a shift.

The ritual is breaking. And with it, the spell of White guilt.Image
2/ White guilt was never a natural sentiment; no people naturally hate themselves or push for their own demographic extinction. It did not emerge organically from conscience or history. It was manufactured, ritualized, and weaponized. It was imposed from above by alien elites who seized control of the institutions of education, media, and culture, and rewrote morality to make one group, the White population, the permanent villain in its own homeland.

From the youngest age, White children are taught to associate their identity with conquest, slavery, cruelty, and destruction. They are told to dissociate from their own heritage, to feel shame for the achievements of their ancestors, to distrust their instincts, and to question the legitimacy of their very existence. They are instructed to love all others, but never themselves.

This is not ethics. It is psychological warfare.

And like all systems built on repression, it only works if it remains unquestioned. The moment it is challenged, seriously, openly, defiantly, it begins to fall apart. The power of White guilt lies in silence, not argument. Once someone says aloud, “I do not feel guilty,” the illusion weakens for everyone else.

That is what the Hendrix fundraiser represents. Not a defense of one person, but a refusal to obey the narrative. It is one thing to quietly disagree with the orthodoxy. It is another to act on that disagreement. The act of giving money in defiance of the media’s command is a political gesture far more radical than voting. It is an act of moral rejection. And tens of thousands just performed it.

This would have been unthinkable a decade ago. Even five years ago, the weight of institutional guilt still compelled submission. But something has changed. The spell is weakening. The repetition no longer works. The words no longer bind. The system still speaks in the language of shame, but fewer and fewer are listening.

The idea that Whites must apologize for existing is no longer sacred. It is simply absurd. And once absurdity is exposed, mockery follows. Then rejection. Then reversal.

We are witnessing the early stages of that reversal.Image
3/ When guilt dies, politics begins. The moral paralysis ends. The silence breaks. And what replaces it is not chaos, but clarity. Once Whites stop apologizing for who they are, they begin to ask the forbidden questions. Who benefits from our shame? Who profits from our dispossession? Why are we the only people on Earth forbidden to speak in our own name?

White identity politics is the answer to those questions.

It is not supremacy. It is not hatred. It is not a call to dominate others. It is simply the political expression of collective interest. Every other group has it. Every other group is allowed it. Only Whites are told that to speak as a group is to commit a crime. But the spell is fading, and with it, the power of that prohibition.

Once the guilt disappears, it becomes obvious. We are a people. We have a shared past, a shared destiny, a right to exist and a right to continue existing. We are not just individuals with private lives. We are part of a greater whole. And like all peoples, we have interests that must be protected.

This is why White identity politics is inevitable. In any multiracial society, politics becomes tribal. Interests diverge. Groups form. Coalitions compete. The only people told to sit out this contest are Whites. The only people who believe they can remain neutral are those still under the spell.

But neutrality is a luxury of those not under attack. That time is over. Every institution in the West now operates openly against the long-term interests of Whites. From immigration to education to media representation to the redefinition of national identity, every policy moves in one direction, toward our reduction, our silencing, our replacement.

To oppose this is not extremism. It is survival. It is not radical to defend what every group defends by instinct. It is only considered radical because the system has criminalized our normality.

But that is changing. Each time someone like Hendrix refuses to collapse, each time the crowd responds with support instead of shame, the political ground shifts. The taboo weakens. The future opens.

What comes next is not a return to the past, but the forging of something new, an explicit, unapologetic, and moral politics of White identity.Image
4/ What happened with Shiloh Hendrix is not an isolated moment. It is part of a larger pattern, one that grows stronger with each passing year. In case after case, when Whites are smeared, vilified, or threatened, the response is no longer retreat. It is support. It is solidarity. It is an instinctive, growing resolve to take our own side.

We saw it with the Covington boys, when a group of Catholic school students were slandered across every major news outlet for a crime they did not commit. The footage was selectively edited, the truth buried, the children’s faces splashed across the internet as villains of the week. And yet the response was not surrender. It was a legal counterstrike and eventual vindication.

We saw it with Kyle Rittenhouse, who was hunted across every media platform as a domestic terrorist, despite clear video evidence of self-defense. He was doxed, threatened, and prosecuted. But millions supported him. Donations poured in. The truth won in court, and more importantly, it won in the minds of countless Americans who saw what the system really is.

We saw it again when corporate giants like Bud Light and Target made open mockery of the cultural and sexual values of the American heartland. The response was not just outrage, it was organized, economic retaliation. Boycotts worked. Stocks dropped. Executives panicked.

In every case, something important happened. Whites, once atomized and demoralized, began to show signs of collective nerve. They acted in defense of their own, even if they could not always articulate why. They stopped backing down. They stopped assuming they were guilty. They started pushing back.

This is the slow emergence of White political consciousness. Not yet unified, not yet fully articulate, but undeniably present. It no longer takes manifestos or movements to activate it. A single slandered face, a single act of defiance, is enough. And each time it happens, the reflex strengthens.

These reactions are not driven by ideology. They are driven by instinct, tribal, ancestral, moral. They are not about hate. They are about loyalty. They are about fairness. They are about survival.

What we are witnessing is not a backlash. It is an awakening.Image
5/ White identity politics is not just strategic. It is not merely a reaction to demographic decline or institutional hostility. It is rooted in something deeper, something moral. At its heart is the principle that every people has the right to exist, the right to continuity, the right to its own space in the world.

To say that Whites have collective interests is not to deny the same of others. It is to affirm the most basic moral symmetry. What is legitimate for everyone else is legitimate for us. No more, no less.

Love of one’s own is not a sin. It is the foundation of every functioning society. It begins in the family. No decent father loves the neighbor’s child more than his own. No sane mother sacrifices her child’s future for the approval of strangers. What is natural at the familial level is no less natural at the national or civilizational level.

The same moral instinct that binds a parent to a child also binds a people to its heritage. To defend your nation, your culture, your memory, is not selfish. It is sacred.

And yet this basic moral code has been inverted. We are told that to love our own is exclusionary, that to preserve our culture is oppressive, that to secure our future is an act of violence. But only White people are told this. No one lectures the Chinese about ethnonational continuity. No one tells Africans that tribal loyalty is backward. No one scolds Jews for preserving their identity. The taboo is selective. The double standard is absolute.

That is why the system is unsustainable. It demands that Whites abandon instincts that every other group is allowed to honor. It demands that we surrender the very morality we are told to uphold.

But real morality does not require self-abolition. Real morality is rooted in order, loyalty, and the defense of one’s own. The deeper we dig, the more clearly we see, White identity politics is not a threat to moral order. It is a return to it.
6/ White guilt is dying. The institutions still speak its language, but the people no longer believe. The slogans ring hollow. The shame has worn thin. More and more, the system demands apology and receives only silence. Or resistance. Or laughter.

What rises in its place is not bitterness. It is clarity.

White identity is legitimate. White interests are real. White survival is non-negotiable. These are not radical claims. They are foundational truths, long suppressed, now returning to the surface. No society can endure without some form of identity. No people can endure without some form of pride.

This is not about nostalgia. It is not about restoring the world of yesterday. That world is gone. What remains is the task of building something new, something rooted in memory but aimed at the future. A politics not of apology, but of affirmation. Not of resentment, but of renewal.

The rise of White identity politics is not a threat to others. It is a restoration of balance. It is the correction of a moral distortion that demanded one people dissolve itself for the comfort of all others. That era is ending.

And the signs are everywhere. In every boycott. In every defiant fundraiser. In every quiet conversation that dares to name what cannot be named. There is a growing majority, not yet organized, not yet fully conscious, but already forming.

The next political realignment will not be between Left and Right. It will be between those who kneel and those who stand. And we are learning to stand.

We do not ask permission. We do not beg for place. We are not going anywhere.

The future belongs to those who know who they are.Image
7/ A Link to the Shiloh Hendrix Fundraiser:

givesendgo.com/ShilohHendrix
8/ An Interrelated Essay:

You cannot care for nature while condemning the only people who ever made it sacred.

You cannot fight for animals while erasing the civilization that protected them first.

9/ The morality of White identity

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More from @CCrowley100

Nov 12
1/ “Man in his highest and noblest capacities is Nature, and bears in himself her awful character. His dreadfulness is the fertile soil from which alone all greatness has grown.” —Nietzsche

Let us consider the ancient Greeks and the excellence of their biopolitical order.
2/ The world of the ancient Hellenes, the Greeks, did not emerge ex nihilo from a vacuum. It was a continuation of what had come before, developing from older Indo-European traditions and merging with the early peoples of Europe, among whom kinship and ritual shaped the first structure of life. The Greeks then gave this inheritance a conscious form, turning what had been custom into reflection and creating a world in which descent and law became the foundations of order.

Alfred North Whitehead wrote that Western philosophy is a series of footnotes to Plato, and in a wider sense Western civilization, “civilization” being the key term here, begins with the Greeks. It was among them that the European mind first sought to bring life into accord with nature and to discern within existence the principles that govern man and the world.

Their political life, like that of all pre-modern peoples, was never abstract. It was the organized expression of necessity, shaped by the demands of survival and the discipline of inheritance. Power was understood as the means to preserve life, and life itself was secured through the unbroken continuity of descent.

The polis, the city-state, was born from the family, as the family was born from the necessity of reproduction and protection. Aristotle records that the household arose from the union of man and woman and expanded through the relation of parent to child and master to servant until it became the village and finally the city. The political community was therefore the natural enlargement of the household, an extension of biological and moral kinship.

The city carried forward what the family had begun, ensuring the passage of life and estate, the keeping of ancestral law, and the remembrance of those from whom its order had descended. The citizen was not a faceless entry in a meaningless voter register but a living participant in the common life of the polis. The Greek word idiotes, from which “idiot” derives, referred to one who lived only for himself and took no part in the affairs of the city. The true citizen was his opposite, bearing the blood of the founders and sharing in the duties that sustained their order. The civic life of Greece rested on this continuity of ancestry, without which there could be neither culture nor state.

Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges later made explicit what the ancients themselves took for granted. In “The Ancient City,” he explained that the earliest political institutions were born from the religion of the household. The hearth, the ancestral tomb, and the domestic cult were the first sources of authority. When many households gathered beneath a common altar, the city arose as a sacred extension of family life. Aristotle described the process by which the polis grows naturally out of the household, and Fustel showed that this natural process was also a religious one, for it united the living with their forebears in an unbroken order of memory and obligation.Image
3/ The principle of descent defined citizenship at every level, and it was the ancient Greeks who, like in so many other things, first codified what we now take for granted in the Western conception of the citizen. Herodotus, in his “Histories,” described the Hellenes as men “of the same blood and speech, who share the same temples and sacrifices, and the same customs.” In this understanding, ancestry and worship, language and custom formed a single unity. To be a citizen was to belong to a people bound by descent and by rite. The polis was not an artificial creation imposed upon men but an organic expression of inherited being.

Athens and Sparta embodied dual sides of this Greek Welthanschauung in distinct form.

During the Athenian Golden Age, the great statesman Pericles expanded participation in public life while restricting citizenship to those born of two Athenian parents. Equality was confined to those who already belonged by birth. The freedom of the city depended upon cohesion, and cohesion required the preservation of ancestral descent.

Civic order rested on ancestral patrimony rather than residence or belief. This law reflected the Athenian understanding that their democracy, unlike the modern system of mass enfranchisement, could exist only within the bounds of a shared people. At its height, less than a tenth of the male population held the honor of citizenship. Generosity within the polis required a clear sense of who that people were, and correspondingly, who they were not. Foreign skill and commerce were welcomed, though always with caution, yet the political life of the city remained an inheritance guarded by those of Athenian blood. In this balance between openness and exclusivity, the Athenians preserved both the integrity of their laws and the continuity of their kind.

Sparta gave this principle a harder outline. The laws attributed to the Dorian lawgiver Lycurgus forged a people shaped by martial discipline and selective breeding. The Spartiates were citizens by birth and warriors by vocation, their lives ordered toward service to the state. They were forbidden from commerce, manual labor, and the pursuit of luxury, for such pursuits were thought to corrupt character and weaken resolve.

Their existence was one of perpetual preparation, devoted to strength and the defense of the common good. Education began in infancy, when the weak were set aside, and continued through a regimen that bound each man to the polis through the discipline of the agoge. The women were trained for strength and composure, for the bearing of healthy offspring was regarded as a sacred duty. Every institution, from the household to the army, for the army was the body of citizens, served the same end: the preservation of vigor and constancy of spirit. Through this unity of purpose, a small and austere people maintained their independence against powers greater in number and wealth.

Religion gave visible form to the same foundation. Each city revered its ancestral gods, whose worship was bound to the life of the people. The civic altars rose from the hearths of the household, and the festivals that gathered the citizens were acts of remembrance joining the living with the dead. The Olympic Games expressed this same spirit on a broader scale, uniting the Hellenes in celebration of shared descent while excluding the foreigner. To compete in any of the four great Panhellenic games was to be recognized as Greek by blood. The exclusion was not an act of hostility but of reverence and delineation, for the festival renewed the sacred kinship of those who shared a common origin and destiny.

This same bond of origin guided the Greek resistance to Persia. When the invasion came, the consciousness of shared blood and faith gave the Hellenes a unity stronger than empire. The stand of the Spartan king Leonidas at Thermopylae and the Athenian-led victories at Salamis and Plataea preserved more than territory or power. They defended a way of life founded upon descent and courage. Herodotus saw in these deeds the triumph of men who knew themselves as a distinct people and refused to vanish into the anonymity of empire.Image
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Nov 9
1/ America was conceived and carried out as an ethnonational project.

It was a Republic built by Europeans for their posterity, the continuation of their people and their civilization on new soil.

Not an idea, but a people made sovereign.

Let us discuss. Image
2/ The absurd notion that “America is an idea” is one that we hear often. It is peddled by the self-hating and the resentful alike, repeated by those too narrow of mind or too governed by ethnic interest to confront the plain historical record.

It has become a creed for the deracinated within and the alien now among them, a false consolation for those who refuse to see that nations are born of blood and soil, and of the will of a people conscious of who they are and of their destiny.

The line of attack usually proceeds along familiar lines.

It is said that America is a political and moral project founded on abstract principles such as liberty, equality, individual rights, and self-government. From this premise, it is concluded that anyone who professes belief in these ideas may become fully “American,” irrespective of ancestral identity.

This argument, of course, is not historical but philosophical in character. It is what may be called Creedal Universalism, the most pervasive of the myths that sustain the “idea” interpretation.

Creedal Universalism presents America as a proposition, an abstraction, divorced from the people who created it. It asserts that the Republic should be defined by principle rather than lineage, that allegiance to an ideal replaces the bonds of kinship and heritage.

It is an a priori doctrine, that is, derived from theory rather than experience, born from the Enlightenment’s rational philosophy rather than from the lived reality of a people.

In this view, America’s founders become apostles of a universal creed, and their nation only the first vessel of a global moral enterprise.

It is a moral argument, not a historical one, for it speaks of what America should mean rather than what it was, and still is.

Its purpose is plain: to detach American identity, born European and forged White (ethnogenesis), from its ancestry, and to make belonging a matter of sentiment rather than birthright.Image
3/ The second and nearly as common claim may be called the Immigrant Nation Mythology: “we are a nation of immigrants.”

It is not philosophical but narrative, appealing to emotion rather than reason, and built upon a shallow reading of history; a confusion of the immigrant with the settler, of arrival with creation.

Here the story is told that America has always been a “nation of immigrants,” that its true purpose was to transcend the limits of race and origin, and to serve as a universal refuge for all mankind.

The Founders are recast as imperfect apostles of diversity, men whose racial prejudice is acknowledged only to magnify the supposed nobility of their universal vision. Thus the narrative preserves its own contradiction: the Founders are denounced as racists, yet credited with conceiving a nation meant for everyone.

Settlement and conquest are presented not as the work of a people creating a continuation of European civilization upon new soil, but as moral failings to be redeemed through inclusion, a sin to be eternally atoned for. The Republic’s European foundation is treated as a temporary stage in a broader human drama, a prelude to the arrival of all peoples.

What began as a historical reality, the transplantation of Europe itself across the Atlantic, is retold as a myth of perpetual arrival in which immigration becomes a sacred rite of renewal.

This view gained strength after 1965, when the old demographic order was dismantled and diversity was enthroned as the new civic faith.Image
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Oct 21
The absolute degeneracy of the modern West captured in a single scene.

An Afghan invader, scheduled for deportation months ago, sexually assaults a young Irish girl while living in luxury at public expense.

The so-called “refugee center” where he is housed is in truth a commandeered hotel in the heart of Dublin, packed with over two thousand foreign men of fighting age, fed, clothed, and sheltered by the very people they are displacing.

The state imports these men, parades their “diversity” as virtue, and compels the native population to fund its own subjugation through colonization and slow demographic extinction.

The parasite contributes nothing, produces nothing, yet is held up as a symbol of progress while the native Irish are told that resistance is not only hateful but illegal.

Outside, the people finally rise, and the police, funded by those they oppress, form a cordon around the invader’s quarters, defending not Ireland but the treachery committed against it.
Reply #1: Firearms Are Not the Issue

Reply #2: “Derp, the people voted for this.” NO!

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Oct 6
1/ America lives under two rival and irreconcilable constitutions: the original, and the one imposed by force through the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

The postwar order rested upon an illusion of continuity, a dream of permanence concealing the slow decay of the Republic beneath it. Beneath the surface of prosperity and the rhetoric of liberty, the foundations of the old order had already begun to crumble.

What Christopher Caldwell accomplishes in The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties is not merely to trace this decline but to reveal the mechanism by which it occurred. Written with the restraint of a man long accustomed to respectable discourse, the book nonetheless advances one of the most subversive theses to appear from the American Right in half a century: that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 created a second constitution, a rival order of law and morality, and that this new constitution has displaced the old in practice, leaving behind only the symbols and ceremonies of the former Republic.

Caldwell is no pamphleteer. A veteran of The Weekly Standard and a contributor to The New York Times, he occupies that peculiar place in American letters reserved for men who think carefully yet are punished for seeing too clearly. It was inevitable, therefore, that his book would be met with hysteria. The New York Times called it “an overwrought and strangely airless book” that “leads nowhere.” The Washington Examiner dismissed it as “Trumpism for highbrows.” Yet such reactions reveal less about Caldwell than about the clerisy he exposes. The fury of his reviewers testifies to the truth of his insight; he has touched the sacred nerve of the modern order, the moral absolutism of civil rights, which polite society forbids anyone to question.Image
2/ In its surface structure, The Age of Entitlement is a history of America from the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the rise of Donald Trump. But beneath its chronology lies a moral and constitutional argument of far greater consequence. Caldwell shows how the civil rights movement, ostensibly a campaign for racial equality, became the model for an entirely new form of governance in which law is subordinate to moral feeling and the state exists to enforce a vision of universal redemption. What began as an appeal to conscience was institutionalized as a bureaucracy of coercion. Out of the ruins of segregation arose a new elite of administrators, judges, and corporate patrons who discovered that the rhetoric of justice could serve as the instrument of power.

Caldwell’s claim that the Civil Rights Act became a Second Constitution was not metaphorical. The law was drafted as a limited measure; its framers promised it would not create quotas or destroy private association. Yet once enacted, it expanded without limit, its implications treated by the courts with the same reverence once reserved for the Bill of Rights. Through the Civil Rights Act, federal authority extended into every sphere of private life, reaching from employment and education to housing, speech, and even thought, until it became impossible to act freely without transgressing the new moral code. What was once the liberty of the citizen became the privilege of the compliant. The old constitution, with its balance of powers and jealous regard for local autonomy, was hollowed out from within by a rival order of legislation, precedent, and bureaucratic fiat.

This development, Caldwell observes, was not the product of a sudden coup but of moral transformation. The Civil Rights Act fused law and religion, replacing the Constitution’s procedural neutrality with a creed of emotional righteousness. To oppose its expansion was to sin. In this sense, the regime it founded was theological rather than legal; its authority derived not from consent but from sanctity. The language of rights replaced the language of reason, and the courts came to interpret feeling as fact. The civil rights order became a form of political mysticism, an instrument of redemption that demands endless confession and sacrifice.Image
3/ Yet Caldwell’s history does not confine itself to race. He sees in the civil rights movement the template for every subsequent revolution of the modern Left: feminism, gay liberation, immigration, and the cult of diversity. Each borrowed the moral prestige of the original movement while expanding its reach. Once every grievance could be recast as a claim of civil rights, politics itself was transformed into litigation. The result is a system that perpetuates conflict rather than resolving it, for the machinery of reform depends upon perpetual transgression. In this sense, the United States after 1964 became an empire of moral administrators, feeding upon its own guilt, forever declaring new forms of injustice to justify its own existence.

The transformation was not confined to government. Caldwell shows how finance, commerce, and popular culture absorbed and reproduced the new morality. Corporations discovered that public professions of virtue could protect them from criticism and serve as profitable spectacle. Universities institutionalized the language of grievance and exported it through generations of bureaucrats and consultants. The entertainment industry converted rebellion into product, turning moral revolt into fashion. By the 1990s, the vocabulary of civil rights had merged entirely with the logic of consumption. Diversity was no longer the cry of the oppressed but the brand of the ruling class.

In this synthesis of moralism and capitalism, Caldwell identifies the true engine of the post-1960s order. The financialization of the economy, the rise of debt-driven consumption, and the global outsourcing of industry all advanced under the same moral canopy that forbade criticism of the new social dispensation. Reagan, whom conservatives remember as their champion, appears in Caldwell’s account as the paradoxical executor of this revolution. By expanding credit and removing fiscal restraint, Reagan enabled America to finance its new moral order with borrowed money. Civil rights became not only a spiritual imperative but an economic one; the cost of maintaining equality was deferred indefinitely into debt. The conservative counterrevolution was thus neutralized from the start, for it had accepted the premises of the regime it imagined to oppose.Image
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Sep 30
1/ On April 24, 1916, while the Great War consumed the continent and the empires of Europe strained beneath the weight of modern industrial slaughter, a handful of Irish rebels seized the heart of Dublin and proclaimed the birth of a Republic.

They occupied the General Post Office, raised their flag above Sackville Street, and read aloud a proclamation in the name of God and the dead generations. To outside observers it appeared a futile gesture: scarcely a thousand men, armed with little more than rifles and shotguns, defying the garrison of the British Empire. Yet in that week of fire and ruin the Irish question ceased to be a matter of parliamentary negotiation and became instead a struggle of destiny.

Patrick Pearse, the poet and schoolmaster who stood at the head of the Volunteers, did not expect victory in arms. He sought to enact a myth, to consecrate the Republic in blood. His conviction resembled what Georges Sorel was then formulating in France: that nations are not held together by rational programs or parliamentary bargains, but by myths that grip the soul and sanctify sacrifice.

For Pearse, that myth was Ireland redeemed through martyrdom, a fusion of Christian passion with the pagan heroic temper of Cú Chulainn. He knew that he and his comrades would be crushed, and that many of their own people would revile them for the devastation of Dublin. Yet he believed their deaths would awaken the nation, and that from their graves a people would rise, determined never again to live as subjects.Image
2/ The Rising lasted six days. The Volunteers and members of the Irish Citizen Army held public buildings across Dublin, but artillery and gunfire soon reduced them to ruins. Civilian casualties mounted into the hundreds, and public opinion turned against the insurgents. On April 29 Pearse surrendered. He and the other leaders were court-martialed and executed in early May, among them James Connolly, already so badly wounded that he had to be tied to a chair before the firing squad. At first the people of Dublin spat upon the defeated Volunteers. Yet as the executions followed one after another, and as British guns shelled the city as though it were an enemy capital, sympathy shifted. The men once denounced as criminals became martyrs, and their deaths gave life to a Republic that had not yet existed in fact.

This was Pearse’s design. He had long believed that Ireland could be reborn only through sacrifice, that the blood of patriots would cleanse and sanctify the nation. His imagination was nourished by the sagas of the Gaels, above all the figure of Cú Chulainn, who stood alone against overwhelming odds and died young in battle. Pearse fused that heroic image with the Christian symbolism of martyrdom, seeing in both the same redemptive power: the death of a few to redeem the many. The Rising was less a military plan than a ritual act, a mythic proclamation through suffering.

The conviction that sacrifice could regenerate a people was not confined to Ireland. Across Europe, men such as Charles Péguy and the Futurists spoke of death in battle as the price of renewal, a cleansing fire against the decadence of liberal society. Pearse stood in this same current, though his expression was Irish, a union of legend and Passion, Cú Chulainn bound to his pillar and Christ upon the cross, each a figure of death that gives life to the nation. His words at his court-martial made the point plain: “We seem to have lost. We have not lost. To refuse to fight would have been to lose. We have kept faith with the past, and handed down a tradition to the future.”Image
3/ Yet Pearse’s martyrdom, for all its power, could not in itself sustain a Republic. From that tradition arose the Irish War of Independence. The executions of 1916 radicalized public opinion, especially as British repression deepened. In 1917 and 1918 Sinn Féin, once a fringe party, gained overwhelming support. Éamon de Valera, spared execution because of his American birth, became its leader. In December 1918 Sinn Féin swept the general election, and instead of taking their seats at Westminster, the victorious members assembled in Dublin as Dáil Éireann, once more proclaiming the independence of Ireland.

It was then that Michael Collins emerged. Born in 1890 in County Cork, he was not a poet but a soldier, not a schoolmaster but an organizer, a man of action whose temperament was as direct as Pearse’s was visionary. He understood that myth alone could not preserve the Republic, that only discipline could give sacrifice the strength to endure. Appointed Minister for Finance in the Dáil, he raised funds to sustain the cause. More crucially, as Director of Intelligence, he built a network that reached into the very heart of Dublin Castle. He reshaped the Irish Republican Army into flying columns, small mobile units that struck swiftly, then dissolved into the countryside, denying the British the advantage of conventional strength.

Collins’s methods were severe yet effective. He created “The Squad,” later known as the Twelve Apostles, to eliminate informers and British agents. On November 21, 1920, his men struck the Cairo Gang, killing fourteen intelligence officers in Dublin. That afternoon British forces retaliated by firing into the crowd at a Gaelic football match in Croke Park, killing fourteen civilians. The cycle of reprisal and counter-reprisal intensified, but with each act the British grasp slackened, and the Republic’s claim to legitimacy took firmer root.Image
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Sep 25
1/ The greatest question before the West today is not one of markets or diplomacy but of life itself. Our peoples are dying, not metaphorically but literally, in the most direct biological sense.

Fertility has fallen below the level of replacement, while foreign populations continue to increase. Two processes converge: the inflow of millions of migrants from alien lands and the refusal of Westerners to reproduce themselves. Territory is finite. Employment is finite.

Housing, schools, hospitals, and public revenues are finite. When these resources are consumed by strangers, they are denied to our own descendants. Migrants arrive from poor and overpopulated countries and encounter our labor markets and welfare systems as a sudden wealth. They raise more children here than they could have supported in their homelands.

Across the West, their fertility is consistently higher than ours. Even if borders were sealed tomorrow, the replacement of the native population would continue through differential birthrates. Restriction is not enough. Repatriation is a necessity.Image
2/ Yet immigration, though decisive, is not the whole cause of our crisis. We must face the harder truth that much of our demographic decline arises from within. Fertility among Western peoples fell before mass migration became overwhelming. The sickness is internal. To understand it, we must return to the origins of our social order.

When our ancestors entered the forests and plains of Europe more than forty millennia ago, they faced winters of hunger, scarcity, and cold. Intelligence, foresight, and restraint were forged by this climate. Yet no less important was the dependence of women upon male provision. Unlike in tropical Africa, where women could cultivate the soil with simple hand tools and feed themselves, the West demanded the plough, a labor requiring the full strength of the male body.

Men labored in the fields, women tended the home. Out of this necessity came monogamy, the durable bond between husband and wife, and the elevation of the provider as the true mark of manhood. Across thirteen hundred generations, women developed a preference for capable providers, and men found dignity in fulfilling that role. This was no social convention but an adaptation fixed by time and selection. It cannot be wished away.

Here lies one of the fatal illusions of the modern world. Men believe women should love them “for richer or poorer.” Women believe they desire equality. Yet biology has its own commands. Women will seek provision as instinctively as men seek youth and beauty. To deny this is to deny reality. Feminism, by granting women economic independence, severed this ancient bond.

For the small number of women indifferent to marriage and family, independence may have proved advantageous. For the vast majority, it has been disastrous. Women’s entry into the workforce has depressed male wages and simultaneously raised women’s expectations of what a worthy provider must earn. The result is double pressure upon men: diminished capacity to provide and heightened standards to meet. This is the paradox of modern prosperity: never have material resources been greater, yet never have women been more dissatisfied with men.Image
3/ The origins of the problem lie not in feminism alone but in the logic of industrial capitalism. Before the industrial age, work and home were one. The farm united livelihood and household. With the rise of factories, the two were torn apart. A new question arose: who should leave the home to labor for wages? The capitalists answered: all. Men, women, and even children should work, swelling the labor supply, depressing wages, and enriching owners. This was the first phase of industrialism, and it was brutal. Whole families were conscripted into mills and mines. Children were worked to exhaustion, women were placed in dangerous trades, and fathers could no longer sustain households on their earnings alone.

Against this disorder another principle slowly asserted itself, not through the goodwill of employers but through the resistance of organized labor and the pressure of law and custom. It was unions above all that demanded a man’s wage sufficient to support his household, often at great cost and after long strikes. The capitalist preferred a limitless pool of workers, for the wider the supply of labor the cheaper its price. But men who wished to found households, unions that defended them, churches that sanctified their role, and legislators who feared the collapse of the family began to push back. Out of their efforts arose the doctrine of the family wage: that the father alone should labor for wages, while wife and children remained at home, and his earnings must suffice to sustain them.

This settlement was not born all at once but through decades of conflict and reform. Laws restricted child labor, sparing boys and girls from the mines and mills. Women were removed from the most dangerous occupations, on the understanding that their bodies were bound to motherhood and their safety too vital to risk. Professions and trades were divided into men’s jobs and women’s jobs. Men’s jobs paid more, on the presumption that men bore the burden of provision. In many places, marriage bars removed women from employment once they became wives, since their vocation had shifted to the raising of children. The result was a truce between market and home. Employers were compelled to pay higher wages to men, and in return men were expected to bear the full responsibility of supporting their households.

The family wage was not perfect. It could not scale precisely to family size, and a few bachelors might enjoy salaries designed for breadwinners. Yet it succeeded in its essential task. It upheld provision as the essence of manhood, secured women in the vocation of motherhood, and sustained fertility above replacement.Image
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