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Jun 18 6 tweets 4 min read Read on X
There is a lack of understanding, in the West, about the cost of the Empire’s approach to West Asia, or what is commonly known, for Eurocentrics, as the Middle East (a term that reflects the West’s imperial gaze). & so there is an urgent need to speak clearly about the long-term consequences of the Empire’s current policies toward West Asia. One of the least acknowledged realities in Western discourse is that the Empire, through all its actors, still treats this region not as an equal geopolitical actor, but as a space to be managed—still governed by the logic of colonial domination. 1/
The West continues to approach the region & its peoples with strategies more fitting to the 19th century: suppress what resists, reward what complies, & rely on regional instruments—precisely, “Israel”—to discipline both the States & movements that are seen as “threats.” The idea is not just to confront armed actors, but to dismantle the entire ecosystem of the Resistance. That includes political leaders & parties, academic & social institutions, religious voices, media networks, & independent governance models that operate outside Western/the Empire’s influence. & the underlying strategy is to prevent the emergence of alternative centres of power that question the legitimacy of occupation, foreign military presence, or enforced economic dependency. 2/
& here’s the problem that Western audiences still do not understand (because had they understood, they’d have moved a long time ago): when institutions of thought & leadership are crushed or even weakened, the outcome isn’t “peace,” but unmanaged anger. Resistance doesn’t disappear (& that is not poetry)—it becomes decentralised, reactive, & harder to contain. The leaders & movements currently targeted serve as a buffer. They absorb pressure, make calculated decisions, & act within a framework of rules, logic, & consequences. They are intermediaries between deeply angry, oppressed communities & the outside world—& the evidence is plenty on social media: see how people react versus how Resistance groups make their decisions & what tactics they use. These movements translate that rage into political & military strategy, they set red lines, they negotiate, calibrate, & often restrain escalation. Instead of letting that pressure explode uncontrolled, they channel it. Remove that framework, & what fills the vacuum is unpredictable. If these actors are destroyed, banned, or assassinated, there will be no leadership left to contain or redirect that anger. The result won’t be peace but an explosion of uncoordinated violence or chaos—not for the peoples of the region, but for the Empire itself, in the West itself. 3/
Western societies may feel disconnected from this (from this reality but also from their governments’ actions) but they are not immune to its consequences. The policies carried out in their name will eventually return to them—sometimes as backlash, sometimes as loss of credibility, & sometimes in more direct, human costs. & this isn’t a theoretical warning but a historical pattern. When entire regions are denied justice & dignity, & when equality is replaced by domination, no amount of border control or surveillance or violence can contain the fallout. Stability doesn’t come from crushing opposition but from addressing root causes, recognising the agency of people, & stepping back from a model of control that treats sovereign nations as if they are still colonies. & this is obviously relevant today in light of the United States & “Israel’s” threats to assassinate Sayed Ali Khamenei. 4/
Threatening Sayed Ali Khamenei is not a tactical statement but a colonial act. When the United States, supported by European approval, openly entertains the idea of assassinating Iran’s Supreme Leader & leader of millions of Shiites around the world, it is not simply engaging in some sort of sick “military deterrence,” but enacting the logic of Empire. & this logic is older than modern geopolitics. It is the belief that certain nations do not have the right to sovereign leadership, & that their political, spiritual, & ideological heads can be treated as obstacles to be removed, simply, rather than legitimate figures & powerful leaders in their communities. It is the same logic that once justified the toppling of governments in Tehran (1953), Baghdad (2003), & Tripoli (2011). & what makes this case more revealing is that Sayed Khamenei is not just a political leader but a spiritual & intellectual figure whose legitimacy comes from within a living religious tradition, not from the approval of foreign powers. To speak casually, or even strategically, about killing such a figure is to assert that religious authority & popular sovereignty in West Asia are subordinate to imperial interests. 5/
It is not hard to imagine the outrage that would follow if any non-Western power discussed targeting the Pope (who is less loved & respected by Christians than Sayed Ali is by Muslims). But when it comes to Shia leadership—precisely the one that articulates a clear rejection of the Empire’s domination over the world & not merely Iran—the rules are suspended. This asymmetry is not accidental. It reflects a worldview in which some political orders are seen as natural & permanent (the West), while others (West Asia) are conditional & disposable. Let’s call it a colonial lens repackaged in modern strategic language. & like all colonial actions, this one misjudges its impact. Assassinating leadership does not erase ideology but inflames it. It does not bring stability but removes the very figures who are often containing popular anger within a framework of thought, law, & moral restraint—& it is perfectly the case with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The question is not just whether it will happen, but what it reveals about the international order… that is not a global order. That is Empire. End/

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More from @trhxianl

Jun 17
While many applaud the fact that October 7 was a “good start” given how people across the world “woke up” since then & began to realise the centrality of Palestine in global politics & the historic oppression of its people, I still refuse to see this as a “positive” outcome—for the following reasons: “Israel” was unleashed upon Palestine & the region as a whole—beginning with South Lebanon & Yemen—& now, with a bloody, existential war with Iran looming, all this supposed “realisation,” all these “protests,” all these theatrics, have proven to be, in fact, useless. That it took a massacre—a genocide, to be precise—for people to wake up was already absurd. But the fact that they still failed to learn the lesson of their inaction, passivity, & failure to rise to the level required over the past two years—that is beyond retribution. 1/
Today, the United States of America—the single most dangerous actor & power in the world—is openly threatening a sovereign nation not merely with war, but with extermination—because extermination is the new standard of warfare set by “Israel” in Gaza. & after all these years—decades—of remaining passive, of accepting US vetoes at the UN Security Council over absurd decisions, of accepting its rogue behaviour & its self-erected role of policeman, of tolerating “Israeli” crimes, of normalising its existence & its normalisation, & then of crying on social media over tens of thousands of Martyrs—still, as two rogue States prepare to wage war on the very existence of the one State that made it possible for us to resist “Israel” at all, the people of the world have learnt nothing. 2/
So no, I will not applaud anyone for “waking up” after October 7. On the contrary, I will continue to criticise those who consider their long-standing ignorance as something light & not one of the very reasons why we are here today—because systemic oppression & ethnic cleansing never moved them before. & to those who argue that, at least, future generations—20 or 30 years from now—will refuse what has been normalised: good luck starting from zero, if the Empire succeeds in setting the world on fire. That you find a way to celebrate a future that isn’t guaranteed, just to excuse your ignorance—& the complacency & complicity it enabled—is, to me, beyond absurd. Everyone who wasn’t awake before October 7 bears responsibility for what we are living today. & history will prove it.
Read 5 tweets
May 18
October 7 didn’t only change the battlefield, it shattered the illusion that clarity alone was enough. The Resistance acted. With full knowledge of the cost, they said: This ends now, or we end with it. That day wasn’t a message to “Israel” alone, it was a message to the world: No more begging for empathy. No more waiting for morality to kick in. It’s time to choose sides with action. But the vast majority never made that transition. In other words, the tests of moral clarity mattered before October 7. But after October 7, the only test that truly matters is the test of will. & most people are stuck in the earlier phase, in a sort of delayed reaction to decades of violence. That is why the vast majority in this world is falling short of the responsibility now. People still haven’t understood that we’ve moved from needing awareness to needing immense action.
Since October 7, 2023, this is no longer a test of perspective. It’s a test of pressure. Who will raise the cost on the regimes enabling this? Who will raise the cost of embassies existing in their countries? Who will make complicity unbearable? Who will take risks proportionate—not to their feelings—but to the scale of the crime? People are not failing because they don’t understand, they are failing because they think understanding excuses them from doing more. & all of this is happening as social media continues to give the illusion of engagement while draining the substance of it. It’s been flooding with Gaza’s pain, keeping people emotionally overwhelmed, & then trapping them in cycles of sharing, scrolling, & reacting, almost ignoring the people who are demanding anything real from the rest of the world. [Bisan posted a video yesterday asking for her followers to be restless—their replies in her comments: “We shouted as loud as we could at a protest today!”] Social media & many personalities on it have convinced people that being “informed” or “heartbroken” is a form of resistance. & with the way Gaza is covered, people have become desensitised, not activated. They mistake exhaustion for powerlessness. They confuse visibility with impact. & worst of all, they begin to feel that witnessing is enough, that feeling deeply is doing their part. It’s built a loop: consume horror, express emotion, repeat—ignoring the voices that have been pushing people into disrupting the very system enabling the genocide they’re watching unfold. After all, these platforms are designed to keep people engaged, not mobilised.
When I speak of this in front of others, I am often told it is about comfort. That it’s easier for people to soothe their conscience than to confront the weight of the message. & that to hear a Palestinian in Gaza, amidst rubble & blood, tell you that you must act, you must not let them feel safe, you must make your governments uncomfortable—“that demands courage.” & that courage isn’t comfortable. So instead of grappling with the urgency, the responsibility, they retreat to the easiest shield: “We were out protesting today”—& (perhaps that is one of the problems) many among us applaud them, thank them, & tell them that’s a good job! As if presence alone, harmless to power, is enough. But what many of us have been calling for is not presence. It is pressure—relentless, targeted, disruptive pressure. The message is: Make them pay for every drop of our blood with unrest in your capitals. I wonder daily… what is everyone afraid of that Gazans—under drones, without shelter, without sleep—aren’t?
Read 4 tweets
Mar 29
March 29, 2025 — Highlights from Hizbullah SG Sheikh Naim Qassem’s speech (8:30 PM local time)
The speech has started.
Sheikh Naim Qassem: My speech today is on the occasion of Al Quds Day, established in 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini, who designated the last Friday of Ramadan as a day of solidarity. Al Quds Day is not just about Al Quds itself but symbolises the broader struggle of the oppressed against their oppressors.
Read 40 tweets
Mar 25
Many Lebanese citizens remain abandoned in the illegitimate & illegal “Israeli” detention camps with no one in the Lebanese Government to help or protect them as they endure torture & violence away from their homes. They are held in horrifying conditions &, like their Palestinian comrades who have been sharing their medications with their Lebanese kin, are deprived of food & medical care despite many being wounded, suffering & in urgent need of treatment
Many Lebanese were abducted by the IOF since December 19, during their incursions into several border villages. A few of them were released a few weeks ago, & have shared horrifying information about the conditions in which they & their Palestinian comrades were detained. The number of Resistance fighters held captive remains uncertain. The Enemy has acknowledged capturing 7 fighters, but sources confirmed to Al Akhbar that the actual number is higher, with fighters detained since the start of the ground invasion in early October.
The known list of detained civilians includes:
- Foad Qattaya & Ali Younes (abducted from Wadi Al Hujayr on December 19)
- Ahmad Shokr (abducted on January 26 during the liberation of Houla)
- Hussein Karaki (abducted on January 26 in Markaba)
- Hassan Hammoud (abducted on January 27 from his home in Taybeh)
- Ali Tarhini (18 years old, abducted on January 28)
- Hussein Fares (abducted on January 29)
- Fisherman Muhammad Juhaier (abducted on February 2)
- Houla Municipality member Hussein Qteish (abducted on February 16)
- Maroun Al Ras municipal police officer Mortada Mehna (abducted on February 16)
Read 6 tweets
Feb 25
Many in Lebanon—media figures, “journalists,” & citizens alike—speak of the “State” as if it is some omnipotent force, capable of action at the mere shake of a wand. They invoke it whenever they seek to assign blame for the country’s dire situation, but their fixation on the State is not rooted in reality. It is an abstraction that exists only in opposition to the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon. In their view, the State has authority, power, & the ability to act—only when it comes to confronting Hizbullah.
It is a hollow & politically immature stance. The Lebanese State, since its very inception, has been incapable of asserting full sovereignty, securing its borders, or protecting its own people. It has always been dependent on external forces (& it will always be), & even in its strongest moments, it has only ever been able to do “half-things”—never fully delivering on security, justice, or governance. To suddenly believe that this same State can now enforce sweeping policies simply because the United States has given Nawaf Salam or Joseph Aoun a directive is nothing short of delusional.
Salam’s speech is a perfect example of this illusion. It is filled with grandiose statements about the State “monopolising arms,” “securing borders,” & “neutrality,” but these are not serious policy proposals. They are slogans meant to appease Washington, Paris, & their local clients. Those celebrating his words as if they mark a turning point for Lebanon fail (as usual) to understand reality: the State does not have the capability—let alone the legitimacy—to impose such measures.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 15
There is a very ugly feeling I have been fighting & I wish I weren’t feeling it but it’s very present. & it is that the people of Jabal ‘Amel are isolated & alone—lives were sacrificed & changed forever so that Gaza would not be alone. & in return it seems like nobody in the region even remotely understands what is unfolding in Lebanon at the hands of “Israel” currently. & that is very ugly. There are mothers from our community who still are unable to fetch the remnants—if remnants there are—of their sons in some villages because “Israel” won’t withdraw, & “Israel” is trying to impose its dictate along with the United States. Now I never expect those inside Lebanon to understand because absolutely nothing in their narrative nor rhetoric gives any hope of them changing, really. But those outside, those who see US meddling, those who understand the righteousness of the fight that Hamas led, that the Resistance in the West Bank is leading—is it that hard to look at Lebanon & see the patterns, the oppression, the very dangerous outcome from this all for Palestine & for us as a people of this Homeland?
“Israel” normalised the massacre of our people in Palestine as the world watched it & accepted it & justified it, on an hourly basis for over 15 months, & before that for over 75 years. There were crimes & cruelties committed daily, things that have personally kept me up for nights on end & completely shaped my & thousands of people’s childhood & entire lives. None of these went unnoticed by Hizbullah. Sayed Hassan Nasrallah since the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon’s inception from the very womb of Jabal ‘Amel spoke on every occasion to shed the light on Palestine. Incessantly, he told the world, including the Muslims & Arabs: look at Palestine, do something for our people there, act. We were met with radio silence. We fought “Israel.” We fought the US’s schemes inside Lebanon precisely because we could see that the outcome was, each time, the normalisation of “Israel.” Why would the United States want Lebanon to be at its command if not to turn it into another Jordan, another Egypt, with leaders who would fly to the White House & sit down like good puppies in front of the Emperor & accept the deals with a knife twisting right inside the Palestinian Struggle for Liberation?
I expect this awareness from many Palestinians as well. Of course, our people inside Palestine are consumed with existential battles, & our people here know it, &—I’ve heard it with my own ears—wish we would go to war again for that. But those abroad, those who write books, those who give speeches at conferences, those who write endless threads about history, about the present—how much longer will you act as if Palestine exists in isolation? As if everyone around you has surrendered? & how is that fair? There is a community in Lebanon that is demonised simply for continuing to speak out about the Empire’s direct actions in our Homeland. Meanwhile, people in Syria, Lebanon, & Palestine itself, are pushing narratives that erase this reality altogether. How do you justify it?
Read 4 tweets

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