Pierre Rehov 🇺🇸🇮🇱 Profile picture
Jun 20 6 tweets 3 min read Read on X
Modern Accusations Against Israel: Echoes of Medieval Anti-Semitic Libels

In recent months, the war between Israel and Hamas has triggered a wave of accusations against the Jewish state. Genocide, famine, child killings, colonization, apartheid… These claims, widely spread by NGOs, media outlets, and pro-Palestinian activists, follow a centuries-old pattern. In reality, many of these allegations are near replicas of medieval anti-Semitic tropes, now projected onto a modern nation.
The "Child Killer" Myth: From Ritual Murder to Human Shields

One of the most frequent accusations against Israel is that it deliberately kills Palestinian children. After every bombing in Gaza, tragic images of dead or wounded children are circulated as supposed proof of intentional brutality.

But this narrative mirrors a persistent anti-Semitic myth dating back to the 12th century: the ritual murder libel. In 1144, in Norwich, England, Jews were accused of crucifying a Christian child, William of Norwich, in a ritual act. This falsehood spread throughout Europe. In Damascus in 1840, seven prominent Jews were tortured and executed after a Capuchin friar disappeared—allegedly killed for his blood.

Today, facts are clear: Hamas, an Islamist terrorist group, systematically uses civilians—especially children—as human shields. Its military infrastructure is embedded in schools, hospitals, and residential buildings, precisely to provoke civilian casualties and manipulate global opinion. Meanwhile, the Israeli army employs unprecedented methods to warn civilians before attacks: leaflets, phone calls, “roof knocking” strikes. Yet these efforts are overshadowed by an age-old narrative: the “Jewish child killer,” now revived through manipulated images and viral social media posts.
“Israel Starves Palestinians”: A Modern Take on the “Well Poisoning” Accusation

Another widespread claim is that Israel is intentionally starving Gaza’s population. This accusation completely disregards the fact that hundreds of humanitarian aid trucks cross into Gaza daily—despite risks that Hamas will seize the supplies. The Israeli army has repeatedly opened humanitarian corridors for food, fuel, and medical aid.

But again, the image persists: Jews causing famine. This is a direct echo of another medieval libel. During the Black Death in the 14th century, Jews were accused of poisoning wells to kill Christians. Thousands of Jews were burned alive or drowned across Europe. The myth of the "Jew as poisoner" resurfaces today not with water, but through claims of orchestrated starvation.

Yet according to the United Nations itself, Gaza’s population has grown by 2.1% during the war, from 2.2 to 2.25 million people over 18 months. No genocide in history has ever resulted in population growth. These figures decisively contradict the narrative of deliberate famine, which appears more as a propaganda tactic than grounded analysis.
Genocide, Apartheid, Colonialism: Modern Labels for Ancient Hatred

Israel is also falsely accused of committing genocide—an extremely serious charge with no factual basis. It is labeled an apartheid state, despite the fact that Arab citizens of Israel have full civil rights, serve in the Knesset, on the Supreme Court, and in public institutions.

The accusation of “colonialism” is even more absurd: Jews are indigenous to the land of Israel, direct descendants of the ancient Hebrews. They lived there millennia before the Arab-Muslim conquests of the 7th century. Israel is the only modern nation that returned to its ancestral land after 2,000 years of exile. Calling that a "colonial project" is akin to accusing a people of colonizing its own homeland.

These terms—genocide, apartheid, colonialism—are not neutral critiques. They serve one rhetorical function: to delegitimize Israel’s very existence. This mirrors the role of historical anti-Semitism: portraying Jews as outsiders, malevolent and illegitimate, in order to justify persecution or expulsion.
Anti-Zionism: The Contemporary Mask of Anti-Semitism

While legitimate criticism of Israeli policy is acceptable, today’s anti-Zionism has become a coded form of anti-Semitism. When Israel is held to impossible moral standards, demonized uniquely among nations, and denied its right to exist, ancient anti-Jewish hatred is simply being dressed in new clothes.

Since 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has openly declared its intent to wipe Israel off the map. Hamas, in its founding charter, calls for the extermination of Jews. In response, Israel is not only entitled—but obligated—to defend itself. This right is enshrined in the UN Charter. Yet every act of Israeli self-defense is immediately labeled “aggression,” because in the anti-Semitic imagination—old or new—the Jew has no right to defend himself.
The accusations leveled at Israel today are not new. They are recycled versions of ancient anti-Semitic myths, amplified by modern media and digital platforms. The image of the Jew as a child-murderer, poisoner, colonizer, or puppet master now reappears in the form of the Jewish state. But behind these emotional narratives lies a reality: a nation defending itself, in a volatile region, against enemies committed to its annihilation. Recognizing this truth requires not just courage—but memory.

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More from @rehoov

Jun 15
Dhimmitude: The Matrix of a New Totalitarianism Imposed on the Free World 🧵🧵🧵

For several decades, the West has been facing a phenomenon it struggles to name, understand, and above all, confront. While global powers are divided over secondary issues, an ideological, religious, and civilizational offensive continues with consistency and patience: that of political Islam, whose goal is neither integration nor coexistence, but domination. Through the conceptual lens shaped by historian Bat Ye’or, this process of gradual appropriation takes a specific name: dhimmitude.
What is dhimmitude?

Dhimmitude, a term popularized by Bat Ye’or, refers to the inferior status imposed on non-Muslims—dhimmis—in territories conquered by Islam. Jews and Christians were tolerated only insofar as they accepted their submission to the Islamic order: paying a special tax (jizya), being forbidden from bearing arms, required to keep a low profile in public, banned from building or renovating their places of worship, and expected to accept humiliation as a social norm.

This system of legal and psychological subjugation was never meant as a temporary compromise. It constituted, according to Bat Ye’or, an institutionalized structure of domination, meant to constantly remind non-Muslims of Islam’s superiority and their own inferiority.

Today, dhimmitude is no longer applied in its traditional form within Western societies. But it reappears in a more insidious and dangerous ideological version: a form of cultural and political capitulation to the demands of a conquering Islam.
Immigration, Victimhood, and the Reversal of Responsibility

As Alexandre del Valle has demonstrated in several of his books, modern Islamism feeds on two complementary mechanisms: mass immigration encouraged by the naïveté or ideology of Western elites, and a strategy of systematically portraying Muslims as victims. This victimhood narrative has become its most powerful weapon of conquest.

In the name of fighting "Islamophobia," entire swathes of culture, history, language, and even freedom of expression are being revised, amputated, or censored. Christmas nativity scenes are banned from city halls. Molière is erased from classrooms. Europe's Judeo-Christian roots are whitewashed. Criticism of religion is silenced—when it concerns Islam. Caricatures of the Prophet are now seen as provocations, if not moral crimes, whereas they once symbolized freedom of opinion. Meanwhile, radical mosques flourish, entire neighborhoods close themselves off from the Republic, and French law gives way to local fatwas.

This shift is not accidental. It follows a coherent strategy: to force the West, in the name of multiculturalism, to abandon the foundations of its identity in order not to offend an increasingly demanding minority—often supported by political, media, and NGO networks.
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May 4
Connection Between Arab Leaders and Nazi Germany

The most prominent figure linking Arab leadership in Palestine to Nazi Germany was Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. His collaboration with the Nazis during World War II amplified anti-Jewish sentiment and drew on ideological parallels between his Islamist-nationalist agenda and Nazi antisemitism. Below are key aspects of this connection:

1.⁠ ⁠Haj Amin al-Husseini’s Nazi Collaboration
- *Background*: Appointed Grand Mufti in 1921, Husseini emerged as a leading Palestinian Arab nationalist, vehemently opposing Zionism and British rule. His role in inciting the 1920, 1921, and 1929 riots established him as a radical figure. During the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, he led the Arab Higher Committee, advocating violent resistance. [](britannica.com/place/Palestin…)
- Exile and Nazi Alliance:
After being exiled by the British in 1937, Husseini fled to Iraq, where he supported the 1941 pro-Nazi coup. By 1941, he was in Nazi-occupied Europe, meeting Adolf Hitler in Berlin on November 28, 1941. Husseini sought German support to expel Jews from Palestine and prevent the establishment of a Jewish state. In return, he offered Arab support for the Axis powers. [](engelsbergideas.com/notebook/hamas…)
- Propaganda and Recruitment:
Husseini contributed to Nazi propaganda, broadcasting anti-Jewish messages across the Arab world from Berlin. He helped recruit Muslim volunteers for the Waffen-SS, notably the 13th SS Division in the Balkans, which committed atrocities against Jews and others. His rhetoric framed Jews as enemies of Islam, blending Islamist and Nazi antisemitic tropes. [](jcpa.org/article/palest…)
- Post-War Influence: After the war, Husseini escaped prosecution and settled in Egypt, where he was celebrated by Hasan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. His collaboration with al-Banna laid groundwork for later Islamist movements, including Hamas, which emerged as a Muslim Brotherhood offshoot. Husseini’s rejection of the 1947 UN Partition Plan and his call for war against the nascent Jewish state reflected his enduring anti-Jewish stance. [](engelsbergideas.com/notebook/hamas…)
2.⁠ ⁠Ideological Parallels
- Husseini’s antisemitism predated his Nazi ties, rooted in Islamic polemics and nationalist fears of Jewish immigration. His 1937 proclamation demonized Jews as threats to Muslim holy sites, a narrative that echoed Nazi dehumanization of Jews. Historians like Wolfgang Schwanitz and Barry Rubin argue that Husseini’s ideology developed independently but found a natural ally in Nazism, as both sought to eliminate Jewish influence. [](jcpa.org/article/palest…)
- Unlike the Nazis, who viewed Arabs as racially inferior, Husseini framed his alliance as pragmatic, aiming to leverage German military power. However, his propaganda adopted Nazi-style rhetoric, accusing Jews of global conspiracies and justifying violence as a religious duty. (museumoftolerance.com/education/arch…
3.⁠ ⁠Other Arab Leaders and Nazi Sympathies
- While Husseini was the most prominent collaborator, other Arab nationalists showed pro-Nazi leanings, particularly during World War II. The 1941 Iraqi coup, supported by Husseini, aimed to align Iraq with the Axis powers. Some Arab leaders admired Germany’s opposition to British imperialism, seeing it as a model for anti-colonial resistance. However, direct Nazi involvement in Palestine’s Arab-Jewish conflict during the 1930s was limited, as Germany prioritized Jewish emigration to Palestine under the Haavara Agreement to weaken Jewish communities in Europe. (museumoftolerance.com/education/arch…
- The Nashashibi family, a rival to the Husseinis, adopted a more moderate stance, favoring negotiation over violence and showing less affinity for Nazi ideology. This division highlights that not all Arab leaders endorsed Husseini’s extremism. [](en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intercomm…)
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