Pierre Rehov đŸ‡șđŸ‡žđŸ‡źđŸ‡± Profile picture
Reporter - Novelist (romancier) - Filmmaker - John Wayne - Clint Eastwood - Gone with the wind Pepe le Pew - Cancel "cancel culture" - My pronouns are : G.F.Y.
Sep 6 ‱ 8 tweets ‱ 5 min read
La France, complice du terrorisme par tradition ?

De Hajj Amin al-Husseini Ă  Emmanuel Macron, en passant par les pactes occultes des annĂ©es 1980, l’histoire rĂ©cente de la France rĂ©vĂšle une constante troublante : loin d’ĂȘtre un bastion contre le terrorisme, Paris a souvent fermĂ© les yeux, protĂ©gĂ© ou mĂȘme encouragĂ© ceux qui menacent IsraĂ«l et le peuple juif.Image Hajj Amin al-Husseini : le protĂ©gĂ© de la RĂ©publique

En mai 1945, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, mufti de JĂ©rusalem, ancien alliĂ© d’Hitler et d’Himmler, est arrĂȘtĂ© par les autoritĂ©s françaises. Ses appels Ă  l’extermination des Juifs et son rĂŽle dans la formation des divisions SS musulmanes des Balkans en font un criminel de guerre. La Grande-Bretagne et la Yougoslavie rĂ©clament son extradition. La France refuse.
Mieux : elle l’installe confortablement en rĂ©sidence surveillĂ©e dans une villa de banlieue parisienne, avec cuisinier et libertĂ© relative. En mai 1946, grĂące Ă  un faux passeport dĂ©livrĂ© par le Quai d’Orsay, Husseini s’évade et rejoint le Moyen-Orient. La France aura ainsi protĂ©gĂ© et favorisĂ© l’un des pĂšres fondateurs idĂ©ologiques du terrorisme palestinien.Image
Sep 6 ‱ 9 tweets ‱ 6 min read
Qatar: The Tiny Emirate that Corrupts the World in the Name of Hamas
A Microstate Built on Exploitation

With fewer than 300,000 citizens and nearly three million migrant workers living under a quasi-feudal system, Qatar is a demographic dwarf and a gas giant. Its wealth stems from energy rents and from the systematic exploitation of foreign laborers who built its skyscrapers, stadiums, and highways. The 2022 World Cup, sold to the world as a triumph of modernity, was in truth a monument to servitude: stolen wages, deaths on construction sites, and lives destroyed in silence.

But Qatar’s scandal does not stop at its borders. It has exported corruption and influence on a global scale, buying the complicity of universities, politicians, and media outlets, while simultaneously protecting and financing the most violent terrorist movements of our time.Image Financing Terrorism: A Persistent Pattern

For decades, Doha has played a duplicitous role. In 2014, the U.S. Treasury denounced Qatar as a “permissive jurisdiction for terrorist financing.” In June 2017, President Donald Trump went further, declaring Qatar “a long-time funder of terrorism at a very high level.”

It is not by chance that Hamas leaders found sanctuary in Doha. Khaled Meshaal resides there in luxury, while Ismail Haniyeh, the head of Hamas’s political bureau, lived in Qatar until his assassination in Tehran in 2024 — he was buried in Doha, symbolizing the emirate’s unbreakable bond with terrorism. Every time a hostage negotiation emerges, Qatar positions itself as a “mediator.” But the truth is simple: it mediates because it harbors the very criminals holding the hostages.Image
Sep 6 ‱ 8 tweets ‱ 6 min read
Qatar : le petit émirat qui corrompt le monde au nom du Hamas
Un État minuscule, mais un empire de corruption

Avec moins de 300 000 citoyens et prĂšs de trois millions de travailleurs immigrĂ©s rĂ©duits Ă  un statut quasi servile, le Qatar est un nain dĂ©mographique et un gĂ©ant gazier. Il a bĂąti sa fortune sur la rente Ă©nergĂ©tique et sur l’exploitation d’une main-d’Ɠuvre Ă©trangĂšre, privĂ©e de droits, assignĂ©e Ă  des chantiers titanesques comme ceux de la Coupe du monde 2022. DerriĂšre les stades illuminĂ©s et les slogans de modernitĂ©, on trouve des milliers de vies brisĂ©es, des salaires volĂ©s, des accidents passĂ©s sous silence.

Mais le scandale dĂ©passe les frontiĂšres de Doha. Car le Qatar ne se contente pas de bĂątir en interne une sociĂ©tĂ© Ă  deux vitesses : il a exportĂ© Ă  l’échelle mondiale un soft power corrompu, conçu pour acheter les consciences, influencer les universitĂ©s et blanchir son rĂŽle central dans le financement du terrorisme islamiste.Image Financement du terrorisme : une constante qatarie

DÚs 2014, le département du Trésor américain dénonçait le Qatar comme un « milieu permissif pour le financement du terrorisme ». Trois ans plus tard, Donald Trump déclarait que le Qatar était « historiquement un des plus grands financeurs du terrorisme au monde ».

Ce n’est pas un hasard si les chefs du Hamas se sont installĂ©s Ă  Doha comme dans un sanctuaire dorĂ©. Khaled Mechaal y rĂ©side depuis des annĂ©es. IsmaĂŻl Haniyeh, chef du bureau politique du Hamas, y a longtemps vĂ©cu avant d’ĂȘtre assassinĂ© Ă  TĂ©hĂ©ran en 2024 et enterré  au Qatar. À chaque fois qu’une nĂ©gociation d’otages s’ouvre, le Qatar se met en avant comme mĂ©diateur, mais il faut rappeler une Ă©vidence : s’il joue ce rĂŽle, c’est parce qu’il hĂ©berge et finance ceux-lĂ  mĂȘmes qui tiennent les otages.Image
Sep 1 ‱ 6 tweets ‱ 4 min read
JĂ©rusalem : la falsification d’une histoire

Depuis plus de trois millĂ©naires, JĂ©rusalem rĂ©sonne dans la mĂ©moire du peuple juif. Capitale du roi David, centre spirituel du Temple de Salomon, lieu de priĂšres ininterrompues depuis l’exil babylonien, la citĂ© n’a jamais cessĂ© d’ĂȘtre au cƓur de l’identitĂ© juive. Chaque mariage, chaque deuil, chaque fĂȘte religieuse ramĂšne les Juifs Ă  JĂ©rusalem. Cette permanence historique est incontestable, inscrite dans les textes bibliques, dans l’archĂ©ologie, et mĂȘme dans les chroniques des conquĂ©rants qui s’y sont succĂ©dĂ©.Image Une appropriation tardive et artificielle

Or, c’est seulement au VIIe siĂšcle qu’apparaĂźt une prĂ©tention nouvelle. Mahomet, mort en 632, n’a jamais franchi les murailles de la ville. Aucun tĂ©moin de son Ă©poque n’évoque JĂ©rusalem dans ses prĂ©dications. C’est bien aprĂšs sa mort que ses successeurs, soucieux de donner une lĂ©gitimitĂ© Ă  leurs conquĂȘtes, inventĂšrent une fable : celle d’un voyage nocturne, au cours duquel le prophĂšte aurait Ă©tĂ© transportĂ© vers une « mosquĂ©e lointaine ». Or, cette « mosquĂ©e » n’existait pas : elle fut bĂątie des dĂ©cennies plus tard, prĂ©cisĂ©ment pour donner corps Ă  cette lĂ©gende.Image
Aug 26 ‱ 5 tweets ‱ 3 min read
The Forgotten Arab Colonization of Judea and Samaria by Jordan

When people today speak of the so-called “West Bank,” they forget that this expression, like the French “Cisjordanie,” has no historical foundation. Both were political inventions by Jordan in 1948, designed to erase the millennia-old Jewish heritage of Judea and Samaria — the biblical heartland of the Jewish people. Until the Jordanian conquest, no one used these words. The land was simply known as Judea and Samaria. By renaming it, Jordan sought to sever the ancestral link between the Jewish people and their homeland.Image Pogroms and Massacres Before 1948

Well before the establishment of the State of Israel, Jewish communities in the region were victims of pogroms and Arab violence.

Hebron, 1929: the holy city of the patriarchs witnessed an atrocity. In two days, 67 Jews were murdered, their homes and businesses looted. A community that had lived there for centuries was eradicated.

Safed, 1929: this spiritual center of Jewish mysticism was attacked as well. Dozens of Jews were slaughtered, their property destroyed.
These were not isolated incidents. Since the early 20th century, antisemitic hatred incited by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and other leaders had led to repeated assaults, recalling the pogroms of Eastern Europe.Image
Aug 26 ‱ 5 tweets ‱ 4 min read
La colonisation arabe de la Judée-Samarie par la Jordanie : une épuration ethnique oubliée

Lorsque l’on Ă©voque aujourd’hui la "Cisjordanie", on oublie trop souvent que ce terme, comme celui de "West Bank", ne repose sur aucune base historique. Ces appellations sont le fruit d’une volontĂ© politique jordanienne d’effacer l’hĂ©ritage juif millĂ©naire de la JudĂ©e et de la Samarie, berceau du peuple juif et des plus hauts lieux bibliques. Jusqu’en 1948, personne n’utilisait ces mots. On parlait de JudĂ©e et de Samarie, tout simplement. Ce sont les Jordaniens, aprĂšs leur conquĂȘte en 1948, qui dĂ©cidĂšrent de rebaptiser les lieux pour les rendre mĂ©connaissables, et pour tenter de couper dĂ©finitivement le lien ancestral des Juifs avec leur propre terre.Image Pogroms et massacres avant 1948

Bien avant la crĂ©ation d’IsraĂ«l, les communautĂ©s juives de la rĂ©gion furent victimes de pogroms et de violences orchestrĂ©es par les populations arabes locales.

HĂ©bron, 1929 : la ville sainte du judaĂŻsme, oĂč reposent les patriarches bibliques, fut le théùtre d’un massacre atroce. En l’espace de deux jours, 67 Juifs furent assassinĂ©s, leurs maisons et leurs commerces pillĂ©s. La communautĂ© juive, prĂ©sente depuis des siĂšcles, fut entiĂšrement Ă©radiquĂ©e.

Safed, 1929 : cette ville de GalilĂ©e, centre de la mystique juive, subit le mĂȘme sort. Des dizaines de Juifs furent massacrĂ©s, leurs biens dĂ©truits.
Ces Ă©vĂ©nements ne furent pas isolĂ©s : dĂšs le dĂ©but du XXe siĂšcle, la haine antisĂ©mite attisĂ©e par le mufti de JĂ©rusalem et par des leaders arabes se traduisait par des attaques rĂ©guliĂšres, rappelant les pogroms d’Europe de l’Est.Image
Aug 16 ‱ 6 tweets ‱ 4 min read
Spinoza et les LumiĂšres : le philosophe qui ouvrit la voie Ă  la raison moderne ( fil đŸ§”)

La vie de Spinoza
Baruch Spinoza (1632-1677), nĂ© Ă  Amsterdam dans une famille juive sĂ©farade d’origine portugaise, est l’un des penseurs les plus radicaux du XVIIᔉ siĂšcle. ExcommuniĂ© par sa communautĂ© en 1656 pour ses idĂ©es jugĂ©es hĂ©rĂ©tiques, il vĂ©cut en marge, travaillant comme polisseur de lentilles. Refusant les honneurs universitaires et les compromis religieux, il mena une existence discrĂšte, consacrĂ©e Ă  la philosophie et Ă  la recherche de la vĂ©ritĂ©. Sa vie brĂšve (il mourut Ă  44 ans de la tuberculose) fut marquĂ©e par une indĂ©pendance intellectuelle qui en fit une figure de rupture dans l’histoire des idĂ©es. (suivez đŸ§”)Image L’Ɠuvre de Spinoza

Spinoza a laissé plusieurs textes majeurs, parmi lesquels :

Le TraitĂ© thĂ©ologico-politique (1670), ouvrage audacieux oĂč il dĂ©fend la libertĂ© de philosopher, la sĂ©paration entre religion et politique, et critique les superstitions religieuses.

L’Éthique (publiĂ©e Ă  titre posthume en 1677), son chef-d’Ɠuvre, Ă©crit more geometrico (Ă  la maniĂšre des gĂ©omĂštres), oĂč il expose sa conception de Dieu, de la nature, de l’homme et de la libertĂ©.

Le TraitĂ© politique, inachevĂ©, qui propose une rĂ©flexion sur l’organisation rationnelle de l’État.

D’autres Ă©crits comme le TraitĂ© de la rĂ©forme de l’entendement complĂštent son projet philosophique.Image
Aug 14 ‱ 6 tweets ‱ 4 min read
Gaza : 18 ans de trahison aprÚs le retrait israélien
(suivez le fil: đŸ§”)

En août 2005, Israël prend une décision historique et douloureuse : se retirer totalement de la bande de Gaza.
10.000 citoyens israĂ©liens, hommes, femmes et enfants, sont dĂ©racinĂ©s de force de leurs maisons, synagogues et entreprises. Le gouvernement israĂ©lien, espĂ©rant ouvrir la voie Ă  une coexistence pacifique, laisse derriĂšre lui des infrastructures modernes : zones industrielles, routes, rĂ©seau Ă©lectrique, installations portuaires, et mĂȘme des serres ultramodernes destinĂ©es Ă  l’exportation de fruits et lĂ©gumes.
Mais au lieu de les exploiter, des foules arabes ont vandalisĂ© et dĂ©truit ces serres ainsi que certaines infrastructures, prĂ©textant qu’elles Ă©taient "impures" car construites et utilisĂ©es par des Juifs. Cette destruction, en quelques jours, a anĂ©anti une chance unique de bĂątir une Ă©conomie viable et de sortir la population de Gaza de la pauvretĂ©. đŸ§”Image L’ascension du Hamas

Au lieu de construire un avenir, Gaza choisit la destruction.
En 2006, lors des Ă©lections palestiniennes, le Hamas, organisation islamiste armĂ©e soutenue par l’Iran, le Qatar et les FrĂšres musulmans, remporte la majoritĂ©.
En juin 2007, le Hamas prend le contrĂŽle total de Gaza aprĂšs un coup d’État sanglant contre le Fatah, exĂ©cutant et torturant ses opposants.
Depuis, Gaza est devenue une base avancĂ©e du terrorisme, oĂč l’argent de l’aide internationale est investi dans les tunnels d’attaque, les roquettes et l’endoctrinement des enfants.Image
Aug 12 ‱ 12 tweets ‱ 6 min read
La DĂ©chĂ©ance du Wokisme : Autopsie d’un Virus IdĂ©ologique

NĂ© d’un mot d’argot afro-amĂ©ricain signifiant « Ă©veillĂ© » aux injustices, le wokisme aurait pu rester une invitation Ă  plus de vigilance civique. Il est devenu l’exact contraire : un monstre idĂ©ologique qui exige l’alignement total sur ses dogmes, sous peine d’excommunication sociale. C’est une religion sĂ©culiĂšre, oĂč les prĂȘtres sont des militants, la messe se dit sur Twitter, et l’Inquisition se mĂšne Ă  coups de hashtags. (filđŸ§”)Image Ses racines intellectuelles plongent dans les marĂ©cages de la dĂ©construction. Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze et leurs hĂ©ritiers ont sapĂ© les notions de vĂ©ritĂ©, de tradition et mĂȘme de rĂ©alitĂ© biologique, en imposant l’idĂ©e que tout est langage, tout est construction, tout est oppression. Dans ce laboratoire philosophique, l’Histoire devient procĂšs permanent, l’Occident est coupable par essence, et la civilisation elle-mĂȘme n’est qu’un systĂšme Ă  renverser.Image
Jul 24 ‱ 5 tweets ‱ 3 min read
đŸ§”Quand un prince arabe tend la main : relire Abdel-Kader et comprendre le conflit israĂ©lo-arabe autrementđŸ§”

Dans un ocĂ©an de discours passionnĂ©s, partisans, souvent haineux, oĂč l’histoire du Proche-Orient est manipulĂ©e Ă  des fins idĂ©ologiques, il existe quelques rares voix qui, dĂšs le milieu du XXe siĂšcle, appelaient Ă  la luciditĂ©, Ă  la connaissance et Ă  la paix. L’une d’elles, presque oubliĂ©e aujourd’hui, est celle d’A. Razak Abdel-Kader, descendant direct de l’émir Abdel-Kader, figure emblĂ©matique de la rĂ©sistance algĂ©rienne.

En 1961, en pleine dĂ©colonisation du monde arabe et peu avant l’indĂ©pendance de l’AlgĂ©rie, Abdel-Kader publie chez François Maspero un ouvrage majeur mais ignorĂ© : Le conflit judĂ©o-arabe. Juifs et Arabes face Ă  l’avenir. Loin des pamphlets nationalistes ou sionistes simplistes, ce livre offre une analyse fine, documentĂ©e, nuancĂ©e du conflit. Et surtout : il ose briser les tabous d’une Ă©poque oĂč le monde arabe se cherche des ennemis Ă  la mesure de ses propres Ă©checs.đŸ§” Un regard arabe, mais libre

Ce qui frappe dĂšs les premiĂšres pages, c’est la libertĂ© de ton d’Abdel-Kader. Arabe, musulman, issu d’une grande famille algĂ©rienne, il ne cĂšde ni Ă  l’antisĂ©mitisme rampant de certains discours panarabes, ni Ă  l’angĂ©lisme. Il pose un constat sans appel : les Ă©lites arabes ont souvent Ă©chouĂ© Ă  proposer une vision d’avenir Ă  leurs peuples, prĂ©fĂ©rant la haine d’IsraĂ«l Ă  la construction de sociĂ©tĂ©s libres et modernes.

Il dĂ©monte les mythes, des deux cĂŽtĂ©s. Il reconnaĂźt la souffrance des Arabes de Palestine tout en rappelant que le sionisme est nĂ© d’un besoin vital d’autodĂ©termination juive, aprĂšs des siĂšcles de persĂ©cutions, et qu’il n’est en rien un projet colonial classique. Il replace le conflit dans sa profondeur historique, bien au-delĂ  des simplifications contemporaines, et appelle Ă  penser la coexistence non comme une utopie, mais comme une nĂ©cessitĂ©.
Jul 21 ‱ 10 tweets ‱ 2 min read
đŸ”„ THREAD: “Why the word ‘Palestinian’ is a recent political invention”

(A truth you were never told.)

1/ You can criticize Israel.
But ignoring the fact that the term “Palestinian people” is a modern political creation is dishonest.
Here’s why. 👇 Image 2/ The name “Palestine” comes from the Philistines, an ancient people who vanished centuries ago.
There has never been a sovereign Palestinian state.
Not in 1946. Not in 1846. Not in 846.
Jul 9 ‱ 7 tweets ‱ 4 min read
Pourquoi les organisations dites palestiniennes n’accepteront jamais une paix durable avec IsraĂ«lđŸ§”

Depuis les dĂ©buts de l’islam au VIIe siĂšcle, la guerre et la paix ne sont pas dĂ©finies selon les mĂȘmes paradigmes que dans la pensĂ©e occidentale moderne.

L’Occident, influencĂ© par les traditions grĂ©co-romaines, chrĂ©tiennes et rationalistes, conçoit la paix comme un idĂ©al moral ou diplomatique Ă  atteindre entre deux parties Ă©gales, souvent dans une logique de compromis. Ce n’est pas le cas dans l’idĂ©ologie islamiste radicale, dont s’inspirent le Hamas, le Jihad islamique, ou encore le Hezbollah chiite, et dont les racines remontent au comportement du prophĂšte Mahomet lui-mĂȘme.đŸ§” La stratĂ©gie du traitĂ© de HudaĂŻbiyya : le modĂšle du mensonge tactique

En 628, Mahomet, alors affaibli militairement, signe avec la tribu des Quraychites (paĂŻens de La Mecque) un traitĂ© de trĂȘve de dix ans Ă  HudaĂŻbiyya. À peine deux ans plus tard, lorsqu’il se sent renforcĂ© par de nouvelles alliances et forces armĂ©es, il rompt ce pacte unilatĂ©ralement et attaque La Mecque par surprise, s’en emparant sans grande rĂ©sistance.

Cet Ă©pisode est fondamental dans la pensĂ©e islamiste. Il est thĂ©orisĂ© comme le modĂšle de la hudna, c’est-Ă -dire d’un cessez-le-feu temporaire utilisĂ© uniquement pour gagner du temps, renforcer ses positions, et frapper plus fort ensuite. Ce concept de trĂȘve mensongĂšre est totalement assumĂ© dans la doctrine jihadiste. Le cheikh Youssef al-Qaradawi, figure des FrĂšres musulmans et mentor idĂ©ologique du Hamas, l’a thĂ©orisĂ© Ă  plusieurs reprises dans ses discours et fatwas. Il s’appuie sur des sources classiques de la sĂźra (biographies du prophĂšte) comme celles d’Ibn Ishaq ou d’al-Tabari.
Jul 2 ‱ 5 tweets ‱ 3 min read
From Nazi Antisemitism to "Palestinism": The Modern Mutation of Jew-Hatred

History never repeats itself exactly, but it often echoes. Since the Holocaust, antisemitism has not disappeared — it has merely changed its form. Disguised as a supposedly humanitarian and anti-colonialist cause, the Palestinian narrative has become a new socially acceptable channel for expressing an ancient hatred. “Palestinism,” the ideology that demonizes Israel while sanctifying its destruction, directly follows in the footsteps of Nazi antisemitism, recycling its tropes, myths, and sometimes even its slogans.đŸ§”đŸ§” From the Hated Jew to the Hated Jewish State

In the 1930s and 40s, Nazi antisemitism thrived on a fantasy: the Jew as parasite, cosmopolitan conspirator, and the root of all Germany’s misfortunes. This hatred led to the industrial extermination of six million Jews. After 1945, with Nazism universally condemned, open antisemitism became socially unacceptable — at least on the surface. But it mutated. Instead of targeting individual Jews, the focus shifted to the Jewish state. Israel became the “Jew among nations,” blamed for every conceivable crime: colonialism, apartheid, genocide, even “Nazism.”

As philosopher Jean-François Lyotard noted, this is a case of “metaphorical reinvestment”: the old antisemitic clichĂ©s are reborn in a new political language. The Jewish banker became the “Zionist lobby.” The medieval blood libel accusing Jews of killing Christian children turned into accusations against Israeli soldiers “murdering Palestinian babies.” Age-old conspiracies of control and domination were simply projected onto the state level.
Jun 27 ‱ 7 tweets ‱ 4 min read
The Manufactured Myth of the Palestinian Cause: From Nazi Propaganda to Soviet Strategy

The narrative of a distinct "Palestinian people" struggling for national liberation is a relatively recent political construct, with deep roots in wartime propaganda, Cold War strategy, and pan-Arab ambitions. Contrary to the popular belief that the Palestinian cause has ancient nationalist origins, its modern form was first shaped by radical alliances in the 1930s and 40s, and later weaponized by the Soviet Union, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Yasser Arafat in the mid-20th century.
Haj Amin al-Husseini and the Nazi Connection (1930s–1945) đŸ§”đŸ§” Haj Amin al-Husseini and the Nazi Connection (1930s–1945)

The origin of the so-called Palestinian cause can be traced to Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, appointed by the British in 1921 despite his radical views. A staunch opponent of Jewish immigration and Zionism, al-Husseini instigated anti-Jewish riots in 1920, 1921, and most infamously in 1929, leading to the Hebron massacre.

But his true historical notoriety came during World War II. In 1941, al-Husseini fled to Berlin and entered into a close collaboration with Nazi Germany. He met Adolf Hitler on November 28, 1941, and formed a friendship with Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS. In Berlin, he was treated as a state guest and allowed to broadcast anti-Semitic, pro-Nazi propaganda to the Arab world via Radio Berlin.

In 1943, al-Husseini personally visited Nazi concentration camps and recruited thousands of Bosnian Muslims into the Waffen-SS — notably the 13th Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Handschar — which committed atrocities against Serbs, Jews, and Roma in the Balkans. He was also involved in sabotaging rescue efforts for European Jews, lobbying against Jewish immigration to Mandatory Palestine.

Al-Husseini’s ideological influence lived on after the war — not only in anti-Zionist rhetoric but in shaping the views of future Arab leaders, including his distant relative and political protĂ©gĂ©, Yasser Arafat.
Jun 20 ‱ 6 tweets ‱ 3 min read
Modern Accusations Against Israel: Echoes of Medieval Anti-Semitic Libels

In recent months, the war between Israel and Hamas has triggered a wave of accusations against the Jewish state. Genocide, famine, child killings, colonization, apartheid
 These claims, widely spread by NGOs, media outlets, and pro-Palestinian activists, follow a centuries-old pattern. In reality, many of these allegations are near replicas of medieval anti-Semitic tropes, now projected onto a modern nation. The "Child Killer" Myth: From Ritual Murder to Human Shields

One of the most frequent accusations against Israel is that it deliberately kills Palestinian children. After every bombing in Gaza, tragic images of dead or wounded children are circulated as supposed proof of intentional brutality.

But this narrative mirrors a persistent anti-Semitic myth dating back to the 12th century: the ritual murder libel. In 1144, in Norwich, England, Jews were accused of crucifying a Christian child, William of Norwich, in a ritual act. This falsehood spread throughout Europe. In Damascus in 1840, seven prominent Jews were tortured and executed after a Capuchin friar disappeared—allegedly killed for his blood.

Today, facts are clear: Hamas, an Islamist terrorist group, systematically uses civilians—especially children—as human shields. Its military infrastructure is embedded in schools, hospitals, and residential buildings, precisely to provoke civilian casualties and manipulate global opinion. Meanwhile, the Israeli army employs unprecedented methods to warn civilians before attacks: leaflets, phone calls, “roof knocking” strikes. Yet these efforts are overshadowed by an age-old narrative: the “Jewish child killer,” now revived through manipulated images and viral social media posts.
Jun 15 ‱ 6 tweets ‱ 4 min read
Dhimmitude: The Matrix of a New Totalitarianism Imposed on the Free World đŸ§”đŸ§”đŸ§”

For several decades, the West has been facing a phenomenon it struggles to name, understand, and above all, confront. While global powers are divided over secondary issues, an ideological, religious, and civilizational offensive continues with consistency and patience: that of political Islam, whose goal is neither integration nor coexistence, but domination. Through the conceptual lens shaped by historian Bat Ye’or, this process of gradual appropriation takes a specific name: dhimmitude. What is dhimmitude?

Dhimmitude, a term popularized by Bat Ye’or, refers to the inferior status imposed on non-Muslims—dhimmis—in territories conquered by Islam. Jews and Christians were tolerated only insofar as they accepted their submission to the Islamic order: paying a special tax (jizya), being forbidden from bearing arms, required to keep a low profile in public, banned from building or renovating their places of worship, and expected to accept humiliation as a social norm.

This system of legal and psychological subjugation was never meant as a temporary compromise. It constituted, according to Bat Ye’or, an institutionalized structure of domination, meant to constantly remind non-Muslims of Islam’s superiority and their own inferiority.

Today, dhimmitude is no longer applied in its traditional form within Western societies. But it reappears in a more insidious and dangerous ideological version: a form of cultural and political capitulation to the demands of a conquering Islam.
May 4 ‱ 4 tweets ‱ 5 min read
Connection Between Arab Leaders and Nazi Germany

The most prominent figure linking Arab leadership in Palestine to Nazi Germany was Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. His collaboration with the Nazis during World War II amplified anti-Jewish sentiment and drew on ideological parallels between his Islamist-nationalist agenda and Nazi antisemitism. Below are key aspects of this connection:

1.⁠ ⁠Haj Amin al-Husseini’s Nazi Collaboration
- *Background*: Appointed Grand Mufti in 1921, Husseini emerged as a leading Palestinian Arab nationalist, vehemently opposing Zionism and British rule. His role in inciting the 1920, 1921, and 1929 riots established him as a radical figure. During the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, he led the Arab Higher Committee, advocating violent resistance. [](britannica.com/place/Palestin
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- Exile and Nazi Alliance:
After being exiled by the British in 1937, Husseini fled to Iraq, where he supported the 1941 pro-Nazi coup. By 1941, he was in Nazi-occupied Europe, meeting Adolf Hitler in Berlin on November 28, 1941. Husseini sought German support to expel Jews from Palestine and prevent the establishment of a Jewish state. In return, he offered Arab support for the Axis powers. [](engelsbergideas.com/notebook/hamas
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- Propaganda and Recruitment:
Husseini contributed to Nazi propaganda, broadcasting anti-Jewish messages across the Arab world from Berlin. He helped recruit Muslim volunteers for the Waffen-SS, notably the 13th SS Division in the Balkans, which committed atrocities against Jews and others. His rhetoric framed Jews as enemies of Islam, blending Islamist and Nazi antisemitic tropes. [](jcpa.org/article/palest
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- Post-War Influence: After the war, Husseini escaped prosecution and settled in Egypt, where he was celebrated by Hasan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. His collaboration with al-Banna laid groundwork for later Islamist movements, including Hamas, which emerged as a Muslim Brotherhood offshoot. Husseini’s rejection of the 1947 UN Partition Plan and his call for war against the nascent Jewish state reflected his enduring anti-Jewish stance. [](engelsbergideas.com/notebook/hamas
) 2.⁠ ⁠Ideological Parallels
- Husseini’s antisemitism predated his Nazi ties, rooted in Islamic polemics and nationalist fears of Jewish immigration. His 1937 proclamation demonized Jews as threats to Muslim holy sites, a narrative that echoed Nazi dehumanization of Jews. Historians like Wolfgang Schwanitz and Barry Rubin argue that Husseini’s ideology developed independently but found a natural ally in Nazism, as both sought to eliminate Jewish influence. [](jcpa.org/article/palest
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- Unlike the Nazis, who viewed Arabs as racially inferior, Husseini framed his alliance as pragmatic, aiming to leverage German military power. However, his propaganda adopted Nazi-style rhetoric, accusing Jews of global conspiracies and justifying violence as a religious duty. (museumoftolerance.com/education/arch