Thread by @GREENESJ333

The Democrats are claiming Trump's actions striking Iran's nuclear sites are unconstitutional. They are wrong.

The Presidential Authority and War Powers
The U.S. Constitution grants Congress the power to declare war (Article I, Section 8),
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but presidents have increasingly relied on their role as Commander-in-Chief (Article II, Section 2) to initiate military actions, including missile strikes, without formal declarations.
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The War Powers Resolution of 1973 (WPR) requires presidents to notify Congress within 48 hours of introducing armed forces into hostilities and to withdraw forces within 60 days (plus a 30-day withdrawal period) unless Congress authorizes further action.
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However, most presidents have treated the WPR as non-binding or unconstitutional, leading to numerous unilateral actions.

Since World War II, no U.S. military conflict has been accompanied by a formal declaration of war.
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Instead, presidents have used Authorizations for Use of Military Force (AUMFs), United Nations resolutions, or their inherent executive powers to justify actions.
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The Korean War (1950–1953) and Vietnam War (1955–1975) are prime examples of major conflicts without declarations, alongside smaller-scale missile strikes.
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Key Instances of Unilateral Missile Strikes
Below is a summary of notable missile strikes and military actions (including those during the Korean and Vietnam Wars) ordered by presidents without a formal congressional declaration of war.
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Note that precise counts of individual missile strikes are often unavailable due to incomplete public records, especially for covert operations or drone campaigns.
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• Harry S. Truman (1945–1953)
• Korean War (1950–1953): Truman authorized U.S. military action in Korea under UN Security Council resolutions, bypassing Congress for a formal declaration.
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The conflict involved extensive bombing campaigns, including conventional missile and air strikes against North Korean and Chinese forces. Exact missile strike counts are unavailable, but the U.S. dropped 635,000 tons of bombs, including napalm, during the war.
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No formal declaration of war was sought, and Congress funded the effort through appropriations.

• Truman’s actions set a precedent for bypassing Congress via international mandates.
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• Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961)
• Eisenhower authorized limited military actions, such as the 1958 Lebanon Crisis, where U.S. forces were deployed without a declaration.
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No major missile strikes are well-documented from his tenure, but he laid groundwork for Vietnam involvement by sending advisors.
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• His administration’s use of covert operations (e.g., CIA-backed coups) often avoided direct missile strikes but expanded executive military influence.

• John F. Kennedy (1961–1963)
• Cuban Missile Crisis (1962):
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Kennedy imposed a naval “quarantine” on Cuba and prepared for potential air strikes to destroy Soviet missile sites. No strikes were executed, but the crisis demonstrated presidential readiness to act unilaterally.
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• Kennedy increased U.S. involvement in Vietnam, including air support, but major missile strikes were limited during his term.

• Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969)
• Vietnam War (1964–1969):
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Johnson escalated U.S. involvement following the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964), which authorized “all necessary measures” but was not a declaration of war.
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The U.S. conducted millions of air sorties, including missile and bomb strikes, with Operation Rolling Thunder (1965–1968) alone dropping 643,000 tons of bombs. Precise missile strike counts are unavailable due to the scale and variety of munitions used.
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The resolution was repealed in 1970, but operations continued.
• Johnson’s reliance on the resolution rather than a declaration solidified executive dominance in military actions.
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• Richard Nixon (1969–1974)
• Vietnam War and Cambodia (1969–1974): Nixon continued and expanded Vietnam operations, including secret bombing campaigns in Cambodia (e.g., Operation Menu, 1969–1970) and Laos, which involved tens of thousands of air strikes.
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The U.S. dropped 2.7 million tons of bombs in Vietnam and neighboring countries, but specific missile strike counts are not isolated in records. These actions, conducted without congressional declaration, prompted the War Powers Resolution in 1973, passed over Nixon’s veto.
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• Nixon’s secret bombings of Cambodia sparked significant congressional backlash.

• Gerald Ford (1974–1977)
• Ford ordered the Mayaguez Incident (1975) response, involving air strikes and missile attacks on Cambodian targets to recover a seized U.S. ship.
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No declaration or specific congressional approval was sought, though Congress was notified.

• Ronald Reagan (1981–1989)
• Reagan ordered multiple unilateral actions, including:
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• Libya (1986): Operation El Dorado Canyon involved air and missile strikes (including Tomahawk cruise missiles) on Libyan targets in response to a terrorist bombing. No congressional declaration or approval was sought.
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• Grenada (1983) and Lebanon (1982–1983): Military actions without declarations, though Grenada involved ground forces rather than missiles.
• Reagan’s actions often cited national security or anti-terrorism rationales.
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• George H.W. Bush (1989–1993)
• Panama (1989): Operation Just Cause involved air strikes but was primarily a ground invasion, without a declaration.
• Iraq (1991): The Gulf War was authorized by Congress via an AUMF (not a declaration) and UN resolutions,
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involving extensive missile strikes (e.g., 288 Tomahawk missiles). Post-war, Bush ordered no-fly zone enforcement with occasional missile strikes without new congressional approval.
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• Bill Clinton (1993–2001)
• Clinton ordered several unilateral missile strikes:
• Iraq (1993, 1996, 1998): Strikes, including Operation Desert Fox (1998), used hundreds of Tomahawk missiles to enforce no-fly zones and target WMD sites,
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without specific congressional approval.
• Sudan and Afghanistan (1998): Operation Infinite Reach launched 75–100 cruise missiles against al-Qaeda targets, citing self-defense.
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• Kosovo (1999): NATO-led bombing campaign (Operation Allied Force) involved thousands of U.S. air strikes, including missiles, without a declaration or explicit congressional approval. Estimates suggest ~25,000 bombs/strikes total,
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though missile-specific counts are unclear.

• Clinton’s actions often relied on existing AUMFs or international coalitions.
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• George W. Bush (2001–2009)
• Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003): Both wars were authorized by AUMFs (2001 and 2002), not declarations. Missile strikes, including Tomahawks and drones, were integral but not quantified separately.
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• Bush expanded drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia under the 2001 AUMF, with hundreds of strikes by 2009. Exact counts are classified but estimated in the low thousands across his tenure.
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• Barack Obama (2009–2017)
• Obama significantly expanded drone and missile strikes:
• Libya (2011): Operation Odyssey Dawn involved over 200 Tomahawk missiles and air strikes under UN authorization, without congressional approval.
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• Syria, Iraq, and Others (2014–2017): Operation Inherent Resolve against ISIS relied on the 2001/2002 AUMFs, with thousands of drone and missile strikes.
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Estimates suggest 80,000–100,000 total bombs/strikes across seven countries (Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Libya, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan), though missile-specific counts are not isolated.
• Obama’s drone campaign was the most extensive to date, often conducted covertly.
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Donald Trump (2017–2021)
• Trump ordered several high-profile strikes:
• Syria (2017): 59 Tomahawk missiles targeted Shayrat airbase in response to chemical weapons use, without congressional approval.
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• Syria (2018): 66 missiles (with allies) struck Syrian targets, again without approval.
• Iran (2020): Drone strike killed General Qassem Soleimani, citing the 2002 AUMF and self-defense.
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• Trump’s drone strikes continued Obama’s pace, with estimates of thousands across Syria, Iraq, and Somalia, though exact counts are classified.
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• Joe Biden (2021–2025)
• Biden ordered strikes without declarations:
• Syria (2021): Air strikes targeted Iranian-backed militias, citing self-defense.
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• Yemen (2024): Strikes against Houthi targets used missiles and drones, justified as self-defense under the UN Charter, without specific congressional approval.
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• Biden’s drone strikes continued in Somalia and Syria, with lower frequency than Obama or Trump, but exact counts remain unclear.

Challenges in Quantifying Missile Strikes
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• Definition: “Missile strikes” can include cruise missiles (e.g., Tomahawks), drones, or air-launched munitions, but historical records often lump them with broader air campaigns.
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• Secrecy: Covert operations, especially drone strikes post-2001, are not fully disclosed. Estimates rely on NGOs or leaks, which are incomplete.
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• Scale: Major conflicts like Korea and Vietnam involved millions of sorties, making missile-specific counts infeasible without granular data.
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• Sources: Posts on X claim Obama conducted 80,000–100,000 strikes and Clinton ~25,000, but these are unverified and likely include all munitions, not just missiles.

Estimate and Conclusion
Korean War: Hundreds of thousands of bombs, including missiles, under Truman.
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Vietnam War: Millions of air strikes, including missiles, under Johnson and Nixon.

Post-9/11: Thousands of drone and cruise missile strikes under Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden.
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At least 12 presidents since World War II have authorized such actions without formal declarations, relying on AUMFs, UN resolutions, or executive authority.
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The WPR has been largely ineffective, as presidents notify Congress but rarely seek approval, and Congress often acquiesces through funding or inaction.

*Grok research
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