The appointment of Robert Brovdi, known by his call sign "Madyar," as head of the Unmanned Systems Forces of Ukraine has already yielded noticeable results, according to Russian military bloggers. They report that Ukrainian drone strikes are now primarily aimed at eliminating
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Russian UAV operators. Madyar has openly declared his goal of building a "drone wall" along the entire front line and destroying up to 35,000 Russian soldiers per month—the estimated number that the Russian army can mobilize on a monthly basis. He advocates for establishing
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dedicated UAV units for each section of the front line, with operators who are intimately familiar with their own sector, rather than deploying UAV teams as a mobile reserve shuffled between hotspots. His concept is to create a continuous "kill zone" across the whole
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frontline where defense relies not on bunkers, manpower, and fortifications, but on the work of FPV drones. The first step to making such a strategy effective, according to him, is the elimination of enemy UAV assets—removing Russian reconnaissance and strike capabilities
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and directly targeting enemy drone pilots. Russian sources claim that Madyar has now been granted expanded authority and access to a wide range of weaponry, including the ability to direct HIMARS missile strikes, which he is reportedly already employing. They also note a
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decline in attacks on Russian logistics and rear areas, as Ukrainian drone efforts increasingly focus on targeting UAV operator teams. Madyar's unique combat experience highlights the key difference between the Russian and Ukrainian militaries. Despite all the institutional
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challenges and remnants of Soviet military culture, Ukraine’s army is evolving—and figures like Robert Brovdi are proof of this transformation. Having started in the Territorial Defense Forces, he led an assault platoon and in May-June 2022 created his own aerial
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reconnaissance unit called "Madyar's Birds," which became the first in the Ukrainian military to specialize in both reconnaissance and strike UAV operations. Thanks to its effectiveness, he was promoted to the rank of major and is now the Commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned
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Systems Forces. This kind of rapid and merit-based career advancement would be unimaginable in the Russian military. Russian observers recognize him as a highly capable and dangerous commander who fully understands the potential and limits of drone warfare—and they are
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right to do so. Madyar’s focus on targeting Russian manpower rather than hardware also indicates how depleted Russian technical resources have become. Ukrainian reports from the Sumy direction, where Russia has recently intensified attacks, mention almost no significant
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enemy equipment losses—only a few destroyed transport vehicles. If Madyar succeeds in reaching his ambitious target of 35,000 Russian soldiers killed or wounded per month, it could deprive Russia of its last major advantage: sheer numerical superiority in manpower.
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Without this, Russia's ability to sustain offensive operations may collapse, as its capacity for large-scale mechanized assaults has already been severely reduced.
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In Russia, "import substitution," like many other things, has long turned not into technological development but into a convenient way to siphon off budget funds. The state allocates money for the creation of "domestic developments," after which companies take ready-made
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Western solutions, slightly adapt them, and present them as their own innovations, keeping subsidies and reporting an alleged technological breakthrough. A telling example is the case of the company Newco. The Ministry of Industry and Trade attempted in court to recover
177.6 million rubles, arguing that hearing aids developed with state funding were in fact based on technology from the Danish company Oticon and did not constitute an independent development. However, the Moscow Arbitration Court sided with the business, ruling that
A wave of property confiscations that swept across the regions and affected officials, security officers, and judges has brought the state an amount comparable to the annual budget of a small region. In total, over the past 5-7 years, property worth 100 billion rubles has been
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seized in corruption cases, Accounts Chamber auditor Andrei Baturkin reported in the State Duma. The confiscations have reached such a scale that, according to Baturkin, a “road map” is now required to coordinate the relevant agencies that will have to deal with seized companies,
houses, land plots, and collections of luxury cars and watches. It is necessary to “establish communication between the power bloc and Rosimushchestvo so that there is more feedback regarding what property is to be transferred into the ownership of the Russian Federation,”
Bloomberg reported, citing sources, that Greece and Malta have become the main obstacles to an EU proposal to replace the price cap on Russian oil with a ban on services necessary for transporting fuel. According to the agency’s interlocutors, the two southern European
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countries raised concerns about this step at a meeting of EU ambassadors on Monday, where the latest sanctions package against Russia was presented. They warned that such a shift could affect Europe’s shipping industry and energy prices. Both countries also requested
clarifications regarding proposals to impose sanctions on foreign ports handling Russian oil and to strengthen oversight of ship sellers in order to reduce the number of vessels entering Moscow’s fleet. A representative of the Greek government declined to comment.
The most unpleasant forecasts regarding the Russian economy are beginning to materialize. What analysts cautiously spoke about a year ago is now being discussed openly even by the most pro-government Russian economists: the safety margin is rapidly shrinking. While Putin talks
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about “stability” and “growth,” the reality looks far more prosaic: a country that unleashed a war of aggression against Ukraine is methodically burning through its own financial system. According to estimates by Germany’s BND intelligence service, Russia’s real military spending
reaches around 10% of GDP and nearly half of the federal budget. In fact, actual expenditures are 66% higher than officially declared, due to hidden budget lines, Defense Ministry construction projects, military IT infrastructure, and social payments to servicemen. In simple
According to BND estimates, last year Russia’s military spending may have amounted to almost half of the state budget and around 10% of the country’s GDP. According to the German intelligence service, Russia is spending significantly more on the war and its armed forces
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than it has declared in recent years. Since the start of the war against Ukraine in February 2022, Russia’s defense budget has increased sharply every year. In addition, Russia’s interpretation of “defense spending” differs significantly from the NATO definition, German
intelligence officials note. A comprehensive analysis of budget data conducted by BND shows that Russia’s defense budget in recent years was 66% higher than officially reported. Unaccounted expenditures include, for example, construction projects of the Ministry of Defense,
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky explained why he sharply criticized Europe at the World Economic Forum in Davos. He made these remarks during a meeting with journalists in Kyiv, according to a correspondent from European Pravda. Zelensky said he had grounds for critical
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statements toward Europe after a lack of funding led to a shortage of air defense missiles, allowing Russia to strike Kyiv’s energy infrastructure. Zelensky did not deny that his speech may have sounded overly harsh from European capitals and explained this by saying that
Ukraine and the rest of Europe live in different information spaces. He also acknowledged that the differences are not only informational but also emotional in how events are perceived. The president explained that his Davos speech was preceded by heavy strikes on energy