Thread by @PandemicTruther

Israel: A Nation on Edge, A Strategy Without Exit

Israel in a Nutshell Leading up to June 12

It’s hard to believe that a country as small as Israel has been able to stir the Middle East upside down for over seventy years—fighting from Lebanon all the way to Iran, then swinging back to bomb any surrounding country right and left at will without any resistance. You might think Israel is crazy, yet its strikes are always sharp and calculated, its operations cold and clean—like those of a virtuoso killer. Israel is the most formidable killer of the Middle East.

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The Begin Doctrine: always no-warning, always first-strike

Someone once said: Israel is like that neighbour who drops down through your ceiling at midnight, blows up your rice cooker, and the next morning says, “Sorry, I thought you were hiding a bomb.” The joke is crude, but the metaphor lands.

Because its neighbours—Syria, Lebanon, Iran, even Egypt and Jordan—haven't always been pushovers. These are nations with standing armies and weapons to spare. And yet, time and again, in this powder keg of a region, they end up flat on their backs, blinking at the sky. Why? Simple. Israel doesn’t rely on landmass or manpower. It survives by striking hard and speaking little. That’s its edge.

To understand Israel’s strength, you need to understand where it comes from. This country wasn’t so much founded as it was fought into existence. In 1948, the moment it declared independence, five neighbouring countries rushed in to crush it. The result? A newborn nation in its crib punched five grown men in the face—and carved out even more land than the UN had given it.

That first war shaped its worldview: only fists can guard a homeland. Since then, Israel has lived by one rule—if you look at me the wrong way, I’ll hit first. It doesn’t wait. It doesn’t warn. When Israel hits, first your airstrike goes, then your nuclear site, then your commanders. If you complain, next comes your capital, reduced to rubbles.

But this ruthlessness isn’t arbitrary —it’s doctrine. Israel’s entire military strategy is built on two pillars: pre-emption and absolute regional military dominance. That means it never waits for you to be ready. While you’re brushing your teeth in the morning, still fumbling with the toothpaste cap, its missiles are already on the way.

This isn’t hyperbole—it’s history. In the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel’s opening airstrike wiped out 90% of Egypt’s air force before they even got off the ground. Arab capitals were left speechless.
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Unapologetic Terrorism as Founding Principle of the Country

And it doesn’t stop at regular warfare. Israel favours terrorist decapitation strikes. In 1988, Mossad agents crossed the sea into Tunisia and assassinated Abu Jihad, the number two in the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), in front of his family. Inflatable boats slipped ashore under moonlight. A few precise shots, and they were gone.

Is this how a country fights wars? Apparently, yes. Because while Israel operates as a state, it has mastered the tactics of a non-state terrorist group.

In fact, its roots run deep in that tradition. Before independence, the Jewish underground—Haganah, Irgun, Lehi—were experts in bombings and assassinations. After 1948, these same men, ruthless terrorists, became the generals, ministers, and architects of the new nation. Israel may be the only modern state founded on terrorist insurgent tactics—and rather than abandon them, it refined them into official state doctrine.

This instinct to strike first is in the country’s DNA. Before 1948, Jewish paramilitary groups operated as true terrorist organizations:

Haganah, founded in 1920, began as a defense union but soon adopted violent tactics alongside extremist offshoots.

In 1931, Irgun (Etzel) split, led by Revisionist Zionist Ze’ev Jabotinsky and later Menachem Begin. They claimed bombings and assassinations were legitimate tools—targeting Arabs, British, even Jewish moderates.

In 1940, Lehi (the Stern Gang) broke away from Irgun. Under leader Avraham Stern, they even flirted with forming alliances with Nazi Germany—seeing terror as divine mandate.

These groups staged some of the most notorious acts of Zionist terror:

The King David Hotel bombing (1946), killing 91 people

The Deir Yassin massacre (1948), where Irgun and Lehi killed over 100 villagers

The assassination of British officials like Lord Moyne

The murder of UN mediator Bernadotte

Numerous bombings in Haifa, Jerusalem, and across Palestine

These weren’t fringe radicals disgraced and condemned worldwide like Osama Bin Laden—they were future prime ministers and state-builders: Menachem Begin (Irgun → Herut → Likud → PM), Yitzhak Shamir (Lehi → PM). Even David Ben-Gurion, from Haganah, oversaw coordinated terror campaigns that would lead to Palestinian displacement. Terror—not principles or ideals—built this nation.

Warrior State: Civilian Soldiers, Unit 8200 (the New Digital/AI Mossad), and the Military-Industrial Complex

But don’t be fooled into thinking it only knows how to sneak attack. Israel’s real strength isn’t in weapons—it’s in systemized efficiency.

In war, speed is everything. Other countries need months to mobilize. Israel needs three hours. Take the recent flare-up with Iran: Tehran launched hundreds of drones and missiles. Israel intercepted most mid-air, then mobilized 300,000 reservists within days.

That’s not rhetoric—that’s execution.

In the U.S., such a response would need Congress, debate, headlines, protests. In Israel, a single text: “Report for duty.” And people show up. Because in Israel, “citizen-soldier” isn’t a slogan—it’s a societal structure. Men serve three years, women two. After that, you still return to base for annual training until your forties. Behind 170,000 active troops lies a reserve force over 600,000 strong. This is a state permanently at the ready.

And then there’s Unit 8200—the elite cyber force. Teen prodigies are recruited young, trained in data, surveillance, and cyberwarfare. After service, they go on to launch startups, build chips, write algorithms. Some become tech billionaires. Half the world’s leading cybersecurity firms trace their roots to Israeli veterans.

They don’t just fight—they profit.

The Iron Dome system is a case in point. Each Hamas rocket intercepted becomes a marketing video. Washington watches, impressed: “I’ll take one.” Europe queues up. India arrives with open wallets. Is this war—or advertising? Hard to say. But what’s clear is that war fuels Israel’s arms exports.

In 2024, its defense sales hit $14.8 billion, nearly cracking the global top four. For a country this small, it’s becoming the Shein/Temu of military hardware.

That’s why Israel is addicted to war: it’s all benefits and no loss. Each war expands its territory, swells its coffers, and doubles as a global advertisement for its arms industry. One war after another gave rise to a thriving military-industrial complex in Israel. The country has thus embarked upon a self-perpetuating cycle—war feeding war—in a vicious loop of profit and power.

Unconditional US Support, Jewish Capital Web, and Global Pro-Israel Narrative

Of course, none of this works without American support. And Washington has Israel’s back like no other. The F-35 fighter jet? Israel was the first in the region to get it. Radar, defense data—fully shared. U.S. law even forbids selling weapons to other Middle Eastern countries if they might threaten Israel’s advantage. So while Israel gets the power-ups, others get the handicaps.

Since 1946, U.S. aid has topped $158 billion. In 2024 alone, $14.3 billion in emergency support. And that’s just the visible part—add in Jewish capital from Wall Street to Silicon Valley, and Israel’s support network runs deep.

So when you are fighting against Israel, you're also fighting against the US military, Wall Street, the City of London, the western press—virtually the whole western world. That’s why it’s very difficult to knock down Israel.

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The Frustration and Desperation of Israel: In Need of a Real Enemy

So you ask: do its neighbors really have no response? They try—but they’re too weak. Syria built a nuclear reactor; Israel bombed it. Iran pushed nuclear development; Israel assassinated its scientists. Iraq hinted at building a reactor—Israel flew a thousand kilometers to destroy Osirak. One by one, no one struck back effectively.

This is the famous Begin Doctrine in action: a policy of preemptive action against potential nuclear threats.

Some filed UN complaints. Israel got scolded. And then? More bombing next month. That’s the paradox—if a state strikes often, with high success, and pays little price, why wouldn’t it keep going?

Yet don’t mistake that for strength.

Israel’s precision, its speed—they’re signs of desperation. Look at the current situation. After decades of fighting, Palestine isn’t subdued. Lebanon hasn’t surrendered. Iran stands defiant. If anything, the region is messier than ever.

Today, Israel doesn’t face states—it faces guerillas: Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthis—militias without flags or borders.

These guerrillas are as slippery as snakes—impossible to eliminate. After decades of frustration, Israel responds with mass killings of civilians and strikes on aid convoys. The world watches and is scandalized: “Why target civilians? Why bomb humanitarian relief?” Welcome to the new Israeli doctrine of "Kill them all" after "Begin doctrine" of First Strike has failed.

Israel is increasingly frustrated and desperate. That’s why it so wants to take out Iran. At least Iran is a real country. Not ghost guerillas.

In the past, no state has ever won a war against Israel (Egyptian on X claims they won the Yom Kippur war in 1973, just as Indians claim they have won the recent war against Pakistan). Israel’s guerrilla enemies adapt. They shoot and vanish, burrowing underground, relocating miles overnight. One day a fighter, the next a popsicle vendor outside a school.

Israeli indiscriminate drone strikes cause mass civilian casualties, and every image becomes a PR crisis. In this no-win theater, Israel is stuck. Strike, and it’s condemned. Hold back, and its own people call it weak. The whole country of Israel now adheres to Kill them all doctrine since Begin doctrine doesn't work.

Netanyahu knows Hamas won’t disappear. But the hardliners, the religious right, the arms lobby—they pressure him relentlessly. Show weakness, and the street turns on him. Don’t attack, you’re a traitor; attack and fail, you’re incompetent.

So he hits first. Worry later.

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A Cornered Beast: No Exit Strategy

This is Israel’s current logic: even if it can’t win, it must strike. If you stay hidden, you’re temporarily safe—for now. If you show your face, expect a bullet. It creates short-term security—but solves nothing.

And the biggest prize? Iran. After all, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis—are Iran’s proxies. Take Iran out, and Israel might earn a few years of peace. That’s the dream. Maybe, just maybe, the U.S. will join in.

But Israel isn’t as strong as it seems. It produces only 5% of its food. Its natural resources are almost nonexistent. Drip irrigation masks severe water scarcity. Its tech sector is shiny—but war isn’t built on apps. GDP lags behind perception. Purchasing power is weak. Cut off Western aid, and the economy bleeds.

Life for ordinary Israelis? Stagnant. Prices high, conscription heavy, protests frequent. So no—it doesn’t dominate because it’s invincible. It fights because it has nowhere to retreat. That’s what makes it dangerous: a cornered beast, claws drawn.

And yet—it hasn’t collapsed. Why? One answer: structure. Its military runs like clockwork. Political chaos doesn’t touch the army. Tech, arms, agriculture, and finance operate in parallel.

And globally? The Jewish network of capital, from L.A. to London, Zurich to Singapore, offers financial and media cover. This isn’t conspiracy—it’s infrastructure. You strike Israel, and you’re striking tendrils linked to global systems. It can bleed—but not break.

The War of Words and the Arab Inaction

Worse still, Israel has mastered the war of words. Every conflict begins with cries of victimhood, children’s photos, shattered schools. CNN and BBC amplify the grief. You criticize, and you’re labeled antisemitic. You think you’re attacking policy; they say you’re attacking identity.

This is real asymmetric warfare—not just in missiles, but in narrative. Israel bombs your city and calls it self-defense. You protest, and you’re the terrorist.

Why don’t Arab states unite and retaliate? They tried—six times. They lost—six times.

Arab states have attacked Israel six times—1948, 1956, 1967, 1967–70, 1973, and 1982—and each war ended in defeat.

Today, these states are fragmented, distrusting each other, battling internal conflicts. Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon—all have issues at home; they can’t unite. Only Iran remains a serious threat—but even then, mostly through proxies.

Israel bets that if it can decapitate Iran’s network, it can secure a longer peace.

Egypt fears the Muslim Brotherhood. Saudi Arabia fears Shia expansion. Syria is mired in civil war. Iraq is a wreck. Lebanon can’t govern itself. Only Iran wants to fight—but until now, only through proxies.

This time, Israel crossed a line, and Iran hit back—for pride, if nothing else. But no one else wants in. So Israel keeps winning—small battles, one warlord at a time. A few strikes, a few condemnations, and next month it starts again.

Conclusion: Why Israel Is So Hard to Beat

So the question returns: why is Israel so hard to beat?

Not because it’s powerful—but because it’s terrified of losing.

It was born of trauma, hardened by siege. It’s a nation that learned early how to fight like a cornered hedgehog—sharp, small, never still. It doesn’t win because it’s unbeatable. It fights because it has no exit.

Just panic, masked in precision and brutality.

Like an intruder locked in a room, surrounded on all sides, trying to punch through the wall—before the wall closes in.

Conclusion: Why Israel Is So Hard to Beat

So the question returns: why is Israel so hard to beat?

Not because it’s powerful—but because it’s terrified of losing.

It was born of trauma, hardened by siege. It’s a nation that learned early how to fight like a cornered hedgehog—sharp, small, never still. It doesn’t win because it’s unbeatable. It fights because it has no exit.

Just panic, masked in precision and brutality.

Like an intruder locked in a room, surrounded on all sides, trying to punch through the wall—before the wall closes in.

Some say Israel is nothing without the West.
That it would crumble without U.S. weapons, U.S. dollars, and U.S. cover at the UN.
That it survives on borrowed power, like a parasite latched onto a dying empire.

But that’s only half the story.

Israel is not just a country. It is the crystallization of a project — global, powerful and brutal. A settler colony with nukes. A permanent war machine wrapped in the language of trauma.

It does not stand alone, because it was never meant to.
It is embedded — in the boardrooms of New York, the studios of Hollywood, the editorial rooms of London, the campaign war chests of Washington.
It thrives not just on foreign aid, but on narrative dominance.
On the ability to make atrocity look like self-defense.
To turn a siege into a security measure.
To starve a people and call it anti-terrorism. Starving terrorists to death, they say.

Israel is the outpost — but not just of Western interests. It is also the projection of a powerful transnational elite, fluent in finance, in media, in lawfare. An extended state whose borders are not geographic, but institutional.

So no — Israel is not nothing without the West.
It is the West — at its most distilled, its most desperate, its most dishonest.
A mirror of its violence, its hypocrisy, and its will to dominate.
A testing ground for weapons and language alike.
Every strike on Gaza is a press release. Every Iron Dome interception, an arms expo.

To underestimate Israel is to underestimate the system that built it, sustains it, and uses it — not in spite of its crimes, but because of them.

Israel is the portrait of Dorian Gray hanging in the attic of the West. While Europe reinvented itself with liberal veneers and human rights rhetoric, the violence, dispossession, and racial hierarchies of its colonial age didn’t vanish—they were simply externalized, preserved, and projected into the body of Israel. The brutality once used to annihilate native peoples in the Americas, to enslave millions across Africa, and to carve up the Middle East, found a second life in the Zionist project. Israel became a vessel for the West’s unresolved past—a continuation of imperial habits under the guise of modern democracy.