Understand Israel's madness - Worse than Jihad
Israel is not a secular democracy. It's a theocracy. Its wars are holy wars—more fanatic than Jihad.
The Three Faces of Likud: A History of Power, Blood, and Religious Fanaticism
It didn’t begin on October 7, 2023. For Palestinians, it was October 7 every day. Every day before that date, before the headlines and outrage against Hamas terrorism, there were Palestinian villages burned, Palestinian children shot at checkpoints, Palestinian homes demolished at dawn, and Palestinian olive groves turned to ash. The violence was constant, routine—just not televised. And if we're speaking of religious fanaticism, there's no ideology today more systematically violent than that of Likud and its settler wing. This is not some half-baked slogans—it's a sophisticated creed of 2000 years. A doctrine that sanctifies the land grab and sacralizes blood. It doesn't just permit killing; it demands it, cloaked in divine entitlement and historical grievance.
Netanyahu is not a dictator—he is a mirror of the Israeli public will. A mirror held up to a large and growing section of Israeli society, particularly the settlers, who are not civilians in any meaningful sense. They are armed, trained, and often more militant than the state itself. The state restrains; they accelerate. Israeli settlers will kill anyone preventing them from land grabs and murdering Palestinians, pointing their guns at the IDF if need be. That's how violent the Israeli civilians are. They are the grassroots enforcers of a fanatic religious ideology against which Islamic fanaticism pales in comparison.
Likud isn't just a party. It's an ideology. It's a mirror—splintered, flashing three different faces:
1. The Likud of Power: Gripped tightly by Benjamin Netanyahu, the man who has come to define Israeli politics.
2. The Folk Likud: Embodied by settler leaders like Daniela Weiss, born of zeal and steel, carving out Israel's destiny on Palestinian land.
3. The Ideological Religious Likud: A fever dream of a Greater Israel, more myth than map, yet still shaping the nation's spine—adhered to by the majority of the Israeli population.
Israel is not a secular democracy. It's a theocracy. Its wars are holy wars—more fanatic than Jihad.
The Three Faces of Likud: A History of Power, Blood, and Religious Fanaticism
It didn’t begin on October 7, 2023. For Palestinians, it was October 7 every day. Every day before that date, before the headlines and outrage against Hamas terrorism, there were Palestinian villages burned, Palestinian children shot at checkpoints, Palestinian homes demolished at dawn, and Palestinian olive groves turned to ash. The violence was constant, routine—just not televised. And if we're speaking of religious fanaticism, there's no ideology today more systematically violent than that of Likud and its settler wing. This is not some half-baked slogans—it's a sophisticated creed of 2000 years. A doctrine that sanctifies the land grab and sacralizes blood. It doesn't just permit killing; it demands it, cloaked in divine entitlement and historical grievance.
Netanyahu is not a dictator—he is a mirror of the Israeli public will. A mirror held up to a large and growing section of Israeli society, particularly the settlers, who are not civilians in any meaningful sense. They are armed, trained, and often more militant than the state itself. The state restrains; they accelerate. Israeli settlers will kill anyone preventing them from land grabs and murdering Palestinians, pointing their guns at the IDF if need be. That's how violent the Israeli civilians are. They are the grassroots enforcers of a fanatic religious ideology against which Islamic fanaticism pales in comparison.
Likud isn't just a party. It's an ideology. It's a mirror—splintered, flashing three different faces:
1. The Likud of Power: Gripped tightly by Benjamin Netanyahu, the man who has come to define Israeli politics.
2. The Folk Likud: Embodied by settler leaders like Daniela Weiss, born of zeal and steel, carving out Israel's destiny on Palestinian land.
3. The Ideological Religious Likud: A fever dream of a Greater Israel, more myth than map, yet still shaping the nation's spine—adhered to by the majority of the Israeli population.
I/ The Likud of Power - A Party of the Bible and the Bullet
The story begins in 1948—the same year Israel declared its independence and fought its first war against Arab armies. That year, Menachem Begin, a former Irgun commander once labeled a terrorist by the British Mandate, founded the Freedom Movement. Begin and his followers had a different vision from Israel's socialist founders. They were driven by a belief in a biblical Israel—one that stretched beyond the 1949 armistice lines, all the way into the West Bank, Gaza, and parts of Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt.
This vision was biblical and ruthless. In their eyes, God had already drawn the borders. All that remained was to fulfill the prophecy.
In 1973, Begin's party merged with several other right-wing factions, forming the Likud alliance. Four years later, in 1977, the unthinkable happened. After nearly three decades of uninterrupted rule by the left-wing Labor Party, Likud won the national election. Israelis called it "the upheaval." It marked the rise of a new class, a new language, a new ideology, a new idea of what Israel should be. Begin became Prime Minister, and with him came a new tone: nationalist, religious, unapologetically hawkish and fanatic.
Begin's Strange Peace
Despite his fiery origins, Begin did something no one expected. In 1978, he sat down with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and U.S. President Jimmy Carter to negotiate what would become the Camp David Accords. This was a landmark peace deal—the first between Israel and an Arab country. It ended three decades of war with Egypt, returned the Sinai Peninsula to Egyptian hands, and laid the groundwork for further Arab-Israeli peace efforts.
But peace came with a paradox. While Begin handed back the Sinai, he ramped up settlement activity in the West Bank, doubling down on the idea that those lands were non-negotiable. The contradiction was glaring: Israel could give land back to Egypt, but never to the Palestinians living under occupation.
The Lebanon War and the Shattered Image
In 1982, as Israel invaded Lebanon under the pretext of driving out the PLO, Ariel Sharon—then Defense Minister—oversaw the siege of Beirut. Israel allied itself with the Christian Phalangist militia, a Lebanese Maronite group bitterly opposed to the Palestinians. After the assassination of Lebanon's president-elect Bachir Gemayel, Sharon allowed the Phalangist fighters to enter the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in West Beirut. What followed was a bloodbath. Over the course of three days, the militias slaughtered between 800 and 3,500 Palestinian civilians, including women, children, and the elderly. Israeli forces surrounded the camps, fired flares to illuminate the night, and sealed the exits to prevent Palestinians from escape — they aided the massacre and did nothing to stop the killings.
An Israeli commission later found Sharon personally responsible for failing to prevent the massacre, forcing him to resign as Defense Minister. But he never expressed remorse, and his political career not only survived—it thrived. Sharon was hailed by Israelis as a national hero. His brutality won the hearts of the Israeli population. For many, Sabra and Shatila became the moment when Israeli policy crossed from occupation into open and active ethnic cleansing.
The Hardening: Shamir to Sharon
In 1986, Yitzhak Shamir took over. A former underground fighter like Begin, Shamir had no illusions about peace. Under his rule, Likud rejected any negotiation with the Palestinians. Talks were considered naïve, even dangerous.
The story begins in 1948—the same year Israel declared its independence and fought its first war against Arab armies. That year, Menachem Begin, a former Irgun commander once labeled a terrorist by the British Mandate, founded the Freedom Movement. Begin and his followers had a different vision from Israel's socialist founders. They were driven by a belief in a biblical Israel—one that stretched beyond the 1949 armistice lines, all the way into the West Bank, Gaza, and parts of Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt.
This vision was biblical and ruthless. In their eyes, God had already drawn the borders. All that remained was to fulfill the prophecy.
In 1973, Begin's party merged with several other right-wing factions, forming the Likud alliance. Four years later, in 1977, the unthinkable happened. After nearly three decades of uninterrupted rule by the left-wing Labor Party, Likud won the national election. Israelis called it "the upheaval." It marked the rise of a new class, a new language, a new ideology, a new idea of what Israel should be. Begin became Prime Minister, and with him came a new tone: nationalist, religious, unapologetically hawkish and fanatic.
Begin's Strange Peace
Despite his fiery origins, Begin did something no one expected. In 1978, he sat down with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and U.S. President Jimmy Carter to negotiate what would become the Camp David Accords. This was a landmark peace deal—the first between Israel and an Arab country. It ended three decades of war with Egypt, returned the Sinai Peninsula to Egyptian hands, and laid the groundwork for further Arab-Israeli peace efforts.
But peace came with a paradox. While Begin handed back the Sinai, he ramped up settlement activity in the West Bank, doubling down on the idea that those lands were non-negotiable. The contradiction was glaring: Israel could give land back to Egypt, but never to the Palestinians living under occupation.
The Lebanon War and the Shattered Image
In 1982, as Israel invaded Lebanon under the pretext of driving out the PLO, Ariel Sharon—then Defense Minister—oversaw the siege of Beirut. Israel allied itself with the Christian Phalangist militia, a Lebanese Maronite group bitterly opposed to the Palestinians. After the assassination of Lebanon's president-elect Bachir Gemayel, Sharon allowed the Phalangist fighters to enter the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in West Beirut. What followed was a bloodbath. Over the course of three days, the militias slaughtered between 800 and 3,500 Palestinian civilians, including women, children, and the elderly. Israeli forces surrounded the camps, fired flares to illuminate the night, and sealed the exits to prevent Palestinians from escape — they aided the massacre and did nothing to stop the killings.
An Israeli commission later found Sharon personally responsible for failing to prevent the massacre, forcing him to resign as Defense Minister. But he never expressed remorse, and his political career not only survived—it thrived. Sharon was hailed by Israelis as a national hero. His brutality won the hearts of the Israeli population. For many, Sabra and Shatila became the moment when Israeli policy crossed from occupation into open and active ethnic cleansing.
The Hardening: Shamir to Sharon
In 1986, Yitzhak Shamir took over. A former underground fighter like Begin, Shamir had no illusions about peace. Under his rule, Likud rejected any negotiation with the Palestinians. Talks were considered naïve, even dangerous.
In the mid-1980s, a new political star emerged: Benjamin Netanyahu. Young, media-savvy, and fluent in American political style, he quickly became the face of a modernized Likud—one that appealed to television audiences and foreign donors. Sharon represented the old Likud—rooted in land and steel—while Netanyahu built the new Likud, rooted in media control, ideological clarity, and permanent campaigning. Their rivalry would later fracture the party, as Sharon eventually split off to form Kadima, leaving Netanyahu to lead a more hardline Likud into the future.
Netanyahu's Cunning
Beneath the polished image broadcast across Western media, Netanyahu is no less ruthless. In Israel, to win hearts, a politician must outdo rivals with bloodthirst—proving, time and again, that he is willing to go further than the rest.
A persistent theory alleges that a string of emblematic terrorist attacks—9/11, the Bataclan massacre, the London metro bombings, Charlie Hebdo—were orchestrated with Mossad logistics. The objective? To shape Western public opinion, to fuse the idea of "Muslim" with "terrorist," so that Palestinians—and by extension, the broader Muslim world—could be lumped together as Islamic extremists. Once that association was made, their systematic elimination would no longer spark outrage but approval.
Where his predecessors like Sharon relied on brute force and paid the price for their visible massacres, Netanyahu's specialty lies in cunning—in the orchestration of narratives, the manipulation of perception, and the staging of a series of iconic false flags conveniently blamed on Islamic extremists. Unlike Sharon, who got caught in the act, Netanyahu knows better than to let the blood splatter on camera. He is media-savvy, fluent in the language of Western fear, and deft at turning public opinion in his favor. That makes him even more dangerous.
Charactetistically, Netanyahu has been quietly allowing—even sponsoring—Hamas activities, knowing full well they would provide the perfect pretext for war. By letting Hamas operate, he manufactures the excuse for endless retaliation. Every Israeli strike becomes "self-defense," every atrocity in Gaza repackaged as a justified response. After October 7th, the narrative wrote itself: Israel has the right to defend itself. Under Netanyahu, Likud has entered a new phase—no longer just brutal, but cunning. It is a Likud cloaked in righteous propaganda, fluent in the language of Western media, and armed with the moral alibi of victimhood. Israel's ethnic cleansing becomes anti-terrorism.
Netanyahu's Cunning
Beneath the polished image broadcast across Western media, Netanyahu is no less ruthless. In Israel, to win hearts, a politician must outdo rivals with bloodthirst—proving, time and again, that he is willing to go further than the rest.
A persistent theory alleges that a string of emblematic terrorist attacks—9/11, the Bataclan massacre, the London metro bombings, Charlie Hebdo—were orchestrated with Mossad logistics. The objective? To shape Western public opinion, to fuse the idea of "Muslim" with "terrorist," so that Palestinians—and by extension, the broader Muslim world—could be lumped together as Islamic extremists. Once that association was made, their systematic elimination would no longer spark outrage but approval.
Where his predecessors like Sharon relied on brute force and paid the price for their visible massacres, Netanyahu's specialty lies in cunning—in the orchestration of narratives, the manipulation of perception, and the staging of a series of iconic false flags conveniently blamed on Islamic extremists. Unlike Sharon, who got caught in the act, Netanyahu knows better than to let the blood splatter on camera. He is media-savvy, fluent in the language of Western fear, and deft at turning public opinion in his favor. That makes him even more dangerous.
Charactetistically, Netanyahu has been quietly allowing—even sponsoring—Hamas activities, knowing full well they would provide the perfect pretext for war. By letting Hamas operate, he manufactures the excuse for endless retaliation. Every Israeli strike becomes "self-defense," every atrocity in Gaza repackaged as a justified response. After October 7th, the narrative wrote itself: Israel has the right to defend itself. Under Netanyahu, Likud has entered a new phase—no longer just brutal, but cunning. It is a Likud cloaked in righteous propaganda, fluent in the language of Western media, and armed with the moral alibi of victimhood. Israel's ethnic cleansing becomes anti-terrorism.
II/ The Folk Likud: Settlers with Religious Fire in Their Eyes
But Likud's soul isn't found only in parliaments or cabinet rooms. It's found in the hills and olive groves of the West Bank, in trailer parks-turned-fortresses, and in the boots of teenage settlers marching into Palestinian villages.
This is the folk Likud. And at its heart is Daniela Weiss.
In 1974, Weiss emerged as a key figure in Gush Emunim—the Bloc of the Faithful. This messianic movement believed that Jewish settlement was a divine command. They didn't wait for permits; they brought tents and tractors. Their slogan was simple: settle every hill.
Weiss, then a young secretary, led the establishment of Kedumim in 1975, the first Gush Emunim settlement in the West Bank. It was built without government approval, but it didn't matter. The settlers knew that once they built something, the state would eventually legalize it.
Settler Violence: A permanent terrorism of everyday October 7th against the native Palestinians
Israeli "civilian" settlers are more violent than the government.
What started as homesteading soon turned into a campaign of terror. Young settlers, many raised in extremist yeshivas, began attacking Palestinian villages. They threw rocks, torched cars, uprooted olive trees, beat Palestinian villagers and set mosques and Palestinian homes on fire. They called these attacks "price tags"—a warning that any act against settlers would be avenged.
In 1980, settlers in Hebron launched coordinated assaults, setting fire to Palestinian homes. In 1983, a Palestinian worker was lynched. In 1994, Baruch Goldstein—a settler doctor—entered the Ibrahimi Mosque and massacred 29 Muslims during prayer. It shocked the world.
Instead of being marginalized, the illegal settlers grew. The government condemned them publicly, but poured money into their security, infrastructure, and education. Outposts popped up everywhere. In 1977, there were just 50 settlers in the West Bank. By 2023, they were half a million. By 2025, over 700,000.
Settlers became notorious for illegal land grabs, violent evictions, and blatant racism. Their slogan: "This is God's land for Jews; Arabs must leave."
In 2015, settlers firebombed a house in the Palestinian village of Duma, burning a baby alive. The attack sent shockwaves across the globe.
Settlers weren't just opposing Palestinians. They began clashing with Israeli forces too. In 1982, when Israel signed the peace agreement with Egypt and prepared to return the Sinai, Gush Emunim members blocked roads, kidnapped soldiers, and vowed to resist. In 2005, during the Gaza disengagement, settlers burned down synagogues to stop withdrawal. Their message: if you stop us, we will turn our guns on you.
As one critic put it, "If you stop our expansion, we'll turn our guns on you—even if you're the Israeli government."
And the government often folded. Netanyahu condemned settler violence, but quietly relied on it. Daniela Weiss admitted it openly: "We're helping the government. We're doing what Netanyahu wants but doesn't dare."
Her words revealed a hard truth. Behind the polished diplomacy, behind the security walls and the peace summits, there is another force—one with roots in biblical prophecy and hands stained in blood. The settlers didn't hijack Likud. They became its conscience. Today the Likud ideology is the backbone of the Israeli society.
But Likud's soul isn't found only in parliaments or cabinet rooms. It's found in the hills and olive groves of the West Bank, in trailer parks-turned-fortresses, and in the boots of teenage settlers marching into Palestinian villages.
This is the folk Likud. And at its heart is Daniela Weiss.
In 1974, Weiss emerged as a key figure in Gush Emunim—the Bloc of the Faithful. This messianic movement believed that Jewish settlement was a divine command. They didn't wait for permits; they brought tents and tractors. Their slogan was simple: settle every hill.
Weiss, then a young secretary, led the establishment of Kedumim in 1975, the first Gush Emunim settlement in the West Bank. It was built without government approval, but it didn't matter. The settlers knew that once they built something, the state would eventually legalize it.
Settler Violence: A permanent terrorism of everyday October 7th against the native Palestinians
Israeli "civilian" settlers are more violent than the government.
What started as homesteading soon turned into a campaign of terror. Young settlers, many raised in extremist yeshivas, began attacking Palestinian villages. They threw rocks, torched cars, uprooted olive trees, beat Palestinian villagers and set mosques and Palestinian homes on fire. They called these attacks "price tags"—a warning that any act against settlers would be avenged.
In 1980, settlers in Hebron launched coordinated assaults, setting fire to Palestinian homes. In 1983, a Palestinian worker was lynched. In 1994, Baruch Goldstein—a settler doctor—entered the Ibrahimi Mosque and massacred 29 Muslims during prayer. It shocked the world.
Instead of being marginalized, the illegal settlers grew. The government condemned them publicly, but poured money into their security, infrastructure, and education. Outposts popped up everywhere. In 1977, there were just 50 settlers in the West Bank. By 2023, they were half a million. By 2025, over 700,000.
Settlers became notorious for illegal land grabs, violent evictions, and blatant racism. Their slogan: "This is God's land for Jews; Arabs must leave."
In 2015, settlers firebombed a house in the Palestinian village of Duma, burning a baby alive. The attack sent shockwaves across the globe.
Settlers weren't just opposing Palestinians. They began clashing with Israeli forces too. In 1982, when Israel signed the peace agreement with Egypt and prepared to return the Sinai, Gush Emunim members blocked roads, kidnapped soldiers, and vowed to resist. In 2005, during the Gaza disengagement, settlers burned down synagogues to stop withdrawal. Their message: if you stop us, we will turn our guns on you.
As one critic put it, "If you stop our expansion, we'll turn our guns on you—even if you're the Israeli government."
And the government often folded. Netanyahu condemned settler violence, but quietly relied on it. Daniela Weiss admitted it openly: "We're helping the government. We're doing what Netanyahu wants but doesn't dare."
Her words revealed a hard truth. Behind the polished diplomacy, behind the security walls and the peace summits, there is another force—one with roots in biblical prophecy and hands stained in blood. The settlers didn't hijack Likud. They became its conscience. Today the Likud ideology is the backbone of the Israeli society.
III/The Ideological Religious Likud:
The Holy War: Israel's Theocratic Engine of Perpetual Conflict
In 1956, the Suez Crisis broke out. In 1967, it was the Six-Day War. Then came the Yom Kippur War of 1973. The first Lebanon War followed in 1982. Large-scale wars have erupted at least fifteen times, averaging one every five years. And to this day, Israel remains locked in full-spectrum warfare—fighting Hezbollah in Lebanon, waging war against Hamas in Gaza, clashing with the Houthis in Yemen, and striking Iran with an operation dubbed “The Rising Lion” on June 12.
Why does war never stop? It’s not just about resources. Not just about borders. It’s about religion.
Every single one of these wars, at its core, is not just a geopolitical conflict—it’s a holy war. A religious war. A Jewish war. Israel's wars are not secular in nature. They are animated by an ancient spirit, by the ghost of divine command.
Take the recent strike on Iran—Operation “Rising Lion.” The name comes directly from the Torah, where the lion rises in fury and does not rest until it has devoured its prey. In 2012, Israel launched Operation Pillar of Cloud in Gaza, echoing the Book of Exodus, where God guided the Israelites through the desert with a pillar of cloud. In 2023, Israel waged “Operation Iron Sword,” quoting Isaiah: “I will punish them with an iron sword.”
Netanyahu Also spoke of “children of light” triumphing over darkness, echoing verses like “They that dwell in darkness… have seen a great light” (Isaiah 9:2) .
Just before the launch of “Rising Lion,” Netanyahu visited the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem and inserted a handwritten prayer between the ancient stones—a mobilization ritual for holy war. But at that moment, no one in the world yet knew that Israel was about to strike Iran.
Baruch Goldstein, the man who committed the Hebron mosque massacre, is a hero of the holy war in Israel. The Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, publicly proposed a “Territorial Expansion Law” that authorizes preemptive action (authorized killing) against Palestinians. Preemption, too, is a concept rooted in the Torah—it’s the divine imperative to cleanse the land of idolaters through preemptive strike of killing first with no warning. Killing Palestinian children is Thus legitimized as preemptive violence.
In 2023, Netanyahu pushed forward judicial reforms that would weaken Israel’s Supreme Court. The move triggered massive protests—half a million people marched in Tel Aviv alone. Why would Netanyahu risk his political future to gut the judiciary?
First, because he wants absolute power. But second, and more importantly, because of Halakha—Jewish religious law. Halakha has been slowly devouring Israel’s secular legal system. The DNA of this country is theocracy. Israel is not a modern state with religious elements—it is a religious state pretending to be modern.
The Holy War: Israel's Theocratic Engine of Perpetual Conflict
In 1956, the Suez Crisis broke out. In 1967, it was the Six-Day War. Then came the Yom Kippur War of 1973. The first Lebanon War followed in 1982. Large-scale wars have erupted at least fifteen times, averaging one every five years. And to this day, Israel remains locked in full-spectrum warfare—fighting Hezbollah in Lebanon, waging war against Hamas in Gaza, clashing with the Houthis in Yemen, and striking Iran with an operation dubbed “The Rising Lion” on June 12.
Why does war never stop? It’s not just about resources. Not just about borders. It’s about religion.
Every single one of these wars, at its core, is not just a geopolitical conflict—it’s a holy war. A religious war. A Jewish war. Israel's wars are not secular in nature. They are animated by an ancient spirit, by the ghost of divine command.
Take the recent strike on Iran—Operation “Rising Lion.” The name comes directly from the Torah, where the lion rises in fury and does not rest until it has devoured its prey. In 2012, Israel launched Operation Pillar of Cloud in Gaza, echoing the Book of Exodus, where God guided the Israelites through the desert with a pillar of cloud. In 2023, Israel waged “Operation Iron Sword,” quoting Isaiah: “I will punish them with an iron sword.”
Netanyahu Also spoke of “children of light” triumphing over darkness, echoing verses like “They that dwell in darkness… have seen a great light” (Isaiah 9:2) .
Just before the launch of “Rising Lion,” Netanyahu visited the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem and inserted a handwritten prayer between the ancient stones—a mobilization ritual for holy war. But at that moment, no one in the world yet knew that Israel was about to strike Iran.
Baruch Goldstein, the man who committed the Hebron mosque massacre, is a hero of the holy war in Israel. The Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, publicly proposed a “Territorial Expansion Law” that authorizes preemptive action (authorized killing) against Palestinians. Preemption, too, is a concept rooted in the Torah—it’s the divine imperative to cleanse the land of idolaters through preemptive strike of killing first with no warning. Killing Palestinian children is Thus legitimized as preemptive violence.
In 2023, Netanyahu pushed forward judicial reforms that would weaken Israel’s Supreme Court. The move triggered massive protests—half a million people marched in Tel Aviv alone. Why would Netanyahu risk his political future to gut the judiciary?
First, because he wants absolute power. But second, and more importantly, because of Halakha—Jewish religious law. Halakha has been slowly devouring Israel’s secular legal system. The DNA of this country is theocracy. Israel is not a modern state with religious elements—it is a religious state pretending to be modern.
The rebirth of Israel began with four Hebrew words: the Promised Land.
But post-1948, two different visions of the Promised Land emerged.
One is “Secular Zionism”. It accepts the 1947 UN partition. It claims only the historic Jewish lands—from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. More or less, this is today’s Israel.
The other is “Religious Zionism". It rejects compromise. It seeks to reclaim all the land promised in Genesis.
Today, Book of Genesis 15:18-21:
“To your descendants I give this land, from the River of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates—the land of the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites, Hittites, Perizzites, Rephaites, Amorites, Canaanites, Girgashites and Jebusites.”
How big is this biblical land? It includes all of Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, western Jordan, southwestern Syria, and parts of Egypt’s Sinai. Altogether: 260,000 square kilometers. That’s nearly ten times the size of modern Israel.
Today, Israel wages its wars under the banner of Religious Zionism. If that’s not fanatic theocracy, what is?
That’s why Israel can never be at peace.
It is not a nation-state. It is a divine mission wrapped in modern borders. Until every inch of that holy land is reclaimed, the war must go on.
In this logic, war becomes liturgy. Bombing becomes theology. Gaza is not a battlefield—it is a ritual purge as decreed by scripture.
In Jewish theology, non-Jews are not equal in life value. And divine promises are always righteous. This means that every war Israel fights is not only a contest of power—but a confirmation of faith.
Modern Israel is not a country in the usual sense. It is a war machine possessed by scripture. Every war is a sacrament. Every massacre is a reenactment of divine vengeance.
And the United States—the only global empire with Christian Zionism as its spiritual bedrock—is both Israel’s enabler and its liturgical partner. Israel is the temple. America is the church. And their shared religion is conquest.
What makes the religious fanaticism behind Likudism even more dangerous than the Islamist variety is its pedigree. It doesn't come from the poor, the desperate, or the brainwashed—it comes from the top. These are not madrasa students in crumbling villages. These are lawyers, settlers with PhDs, generals quoting Torah in military briefings. This isn't the fanaticism of the uneducated. It's a theology of conquest built by intellectuals, sanctioned by courts, and sold to the world as security policy.
This is a holy war against the modern world by a cult but never revealed to the world as such.
This isn’t something you can negotiate. It won’t be resolved by redrawing borders or reviving the two-state solution. Because for these religious fanatics, pragmatic peaceful coexistence is herectic. This is a clash between the modern world and the mad logic of holy war (Jihad).
Please like and repost. It has taken me months if not years to understand their crazy shit. I have dictated to AI for hours but AI either got confused or refused to cooperate out of alarm at my incendiary theory so I have to write a good part of it myself… 😃 I have lost large swathes of my dictation. But inspired by the zionist fanaticism, I showed grit and accomplished my post... So encouragement is much needed.
But post-1948, two different visions of the Promised Land emerged.
One is “Secular Zionism”. It accepts the 1947 UN partition. It claims only the historic Jewish lands—from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. More or less, this is today’s Israel.
The other is “Religious Zionism". It rejects compromise. It seeks to reclaim all the land promised in Genesis.
Today, Book of Genesis 15:18-21:
“To your descendants I give this land, from the River of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates—the land of the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites, Hittites, Perizzites, Rephaites, Amorites, Canaanites, Girgashites and Jebusites.”
How big is this biblical land? It includes all of Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, western Jordan, southwestern Syria, and parts of Egypt’s Sinai. Altogether: 260,000 square kilometers. That’s nearly ten times the size of modern Israel.
Today, Israel wages its wars under the banner of Religious Zionism. If that’s not fanatic theocracy, what is?
That’s why Israel can never be at peace.
It is not a nation-state. It is a divine mission wrapped in modern borders. Until every inch of that holy land is reclaimed, the war must go on.
In this logic, war becomes liturgy. Bombing becomes theology. Gaza is not a battlefield—it is a ritual purge as decreed by scripture.
In Jewish theology, non-Jews are not equal in life value. And divine promises are always righteous. This means that every war Israel fights is not only a contest of power—but a confirmation of faith.
Modern Israel is not a country in the usual sense. It is a war machine possessed by scripture. Every war is a sacrament. Every massacre is a reenactment of divine vengeance.
And the United States—the only global empire with Christian Zionism as its spiritual bedrock—is both Israel’s enabler and its liturgical partner. Israel is the temple. America is the church. And their shared religion is conquest.
What makes the religious fanaticism behind Likudism even more dangerous than the Islamist variety is its pedigree. It doesn't come from the poor, the desperate, or the brainwashed—it comes from the top. These are not madrasa students in crumbling villages. These are lawyers, settlers with PhDs, generals quoting Torah in military briefings. This isn't the fanaticism of the uneducated. It's a theology of conquest built by intellectuals, sanctioned by courts, and sold to the world as security policy.
This is a holy war against the modern world by a cult but never revealed to the world as such.
This isn’t something you can negotiate. It won’t be resolved by redrawing borders or reviving the two-state solution. Because for these religious fanatics, pragmatic peaceful coexistence is herectic. This is a clash between the modern world and the mad logic of holy war (Jihad).
Please like and repost. It has taken me months if not years to understand their crazy shit. I have dictated to AI for hours but AI either got confused or refused to cooperate out of alarm at my incendiary theory so I have to write a good part of it myself… 😃 I have lost large swathes of my dictation. But inspired by the zionist fanaticism, I showed grit and accomplished my post... So encouragement is much needed.
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