Thomas Keith Profile picture
Jun 30 8 tweets 4 min read Read on X
The U.S. has accelerated a shadow war on China’s mineral empire in Africa.

They think this is their moment. A FARA document filed in February 2025 lays out their fantasy: that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), long entangled in Beijing’s sovereign infrastructure matrix, is now open for looting.
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The signatories told the U.S. State Department, led by Marco Rubio, that it's time to “secure a stable, direct supply chain”, and that President Tshisekedi wanted to “shift away from China’s dominant influence.”

They propose a new alliance backed by U.S. boots, hardware, and extraction rights. Calling for Trump’s personal involvement, and wrapped in a veneer of ethics and transparency.

But the core offer is unmistakable:
Break the China stack, and replace it with an American command layer.
For over a decade, China embedded itself not just in Congo’s mines but in its military, ports, and power grid.

The PLA trained the DRC’s 32nd Rapid Reaction Brigade at Kamina. Huawei and ZTE wove the digital layer. The Chinese navy helped refurbish Type 062 gunboats and built naval facilities at Banana. Hydropower development came through concessional financing, anchored in long-term infrastructure guarantees. Sicomines revenue flows were structured to align with China’s strategic commitments.

The Banana Port, long treated by Washington as a footnote, was militarized under Chinese oversight. So when the FARA letter casually offered that same port to U.S. operators, complete with military access and customs reform, it was a heist.

China, as always, moves like the fox, not the wolf, silent, watching, preparing what it does best: covert restructuring through debt, disruption, and delay.
It’s not just minerals. In March, Beijing negotiated a poultry production system to generate 5 million chicks annually, backed by Chinese genetics, smart farm systems, and breeder training.

By June, a full MoU on agricultural sovereignty was signed, covering seeds, grain storage, mechanization, and fertilizer infrastructure. While the U.S. is drawing maps for mining corridors, China is feeding the state that grows beside them.
But the Americans missed the deeper code.

Because weeks before their FARA gambit was even acknowledged, Beijing had already signed a new MoU with Kinshasa, this time for the Banana-Kinshasa freeway, 450 km of arterial logistics linking the Atlantic coast to the heart of the capital. Signed with Zhongshi Wosen, quiet, efficient, and undeniable.

Beneath the surface of a road lays a protocol layer in motion: port to inland node, synced with Huawei backends, and designed to render Western entry redundant. Matadi would handle overflow, Kolwezi would handle volume, and Banana would handle velocity.
The Americans speak of cobalt and copper like commodities. Beijing treats them like flow control, embedded in customs logic, bonded zones, and layered infrastructure keyed to Chinese standards. What enters the DRC doesn’t leave without touching Chinese hands, nodes, or routes.

As if you can unplug a sovereign mesh by switching partners. As if a FARA document can overwrite a decade of port blueprints, refinery lock-ins, and digital railways.
What they’re proposing is a denial-of-service attack against China’s African operating system.

Beijing doesn’t need to retaliate with volume, just latency. Delay inspections, slow payments, and freeze customs protocols. The minerals would still move, but never on American time.

Even now, China controls the actual tempo of Congo’s trade spine: the fiber, the roads, the ports, the grid. The Banana Freeway is just the latest handshake between physical geography and Chinese coordination theory.
If Tshisekedi thinks the U.S. can guarantee him stability. Let him ask Libya, Niger, and Sudan. Ask them how many American-backed promises arrived without collapse coded in.

Because this isn’t just about minerals. It’s about who sets the rules of movement, delay, and control. China already embedded the rulebook inside the infrastructure itself.

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More from @iwasnevrhere_

Jun 28
While Americans argue over rent hikes, groceries, and student loans, Israel has extracted $124 M per day from the U.S. Treasury for an entire year, much of it hidden behind opaque appropriations and congressional loopholes.

According to Brown University’s Costs of War project, Washington has shouldered 70% of Israel’s military costs since Oct 7, 2023. That includes $17.9 B in direct aid, $4.86 B in Pentagon regional ops, $20.3 B in deferred arms deals, and billions more in shipping losses, stockpile transfers, and corporate handouts.
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Since 1948 the United States has pumped $317 B into Israel, including $251.2 B in military aid since 1959; that torrent began with the first Pentagon loan in 1959, switched to grants in 1974, became 100% grants in 1985, and now flows automatically as a $3.8 B lump-sum every Oct 1 plus a $500 M missile-defense kicker under the 2019-2028 MOU, money on which Israel pockets the interest because Washington lets it sit in a Fed account. Even so, FY-2024 set a new single-year record: $17.9 B, dwarfing the 1973 and 1978 surges and landing entirely on U.S. taxpayers.

That FY-2024 fire-hose breaks down as $6.8 B Foreign Military Financing, $4.5 B for Iron Dome and David’s Sling reloads, $1.2 B for the Iron Beam laser, $1 B to crank out more 155 mm shells in U.S. factories, and $4.4 B to refill Pentagon stockpiles stripped for Israeli use, again, $17.9 B in 11 months. The administration also slid at least 100 separate weapons deals under congressional reporting thresholds to keep the true cost opaque.
Hardware deliveries since Oct 7 2023 read like a warehouse manifest: 57 000 155 mm shells; 36 000 30 mm cannon rounds; 22 800 aerial bombs (14 100 Mk-84 2 000-lb and 8 700 Mk-82 500-lb); 13 981 anti-tank missiles; 3 000 JDAM kits; 2 600 250-lb small-diameter bombs; 3 500 night-vision devices; 2 000 Switchblade-600 loitering drones; more than 100 Skydio X drones; 75 JLTV armored trucks; and 4 127 000 kg of JP-8 jet fuel. In parallel, 600 open Foreign Military Sales cases worth $23 B march through the pipeline.

On 8-13-2024 Washington promised another $20.3 B: 50 F-15EX fighters priced at $18.8 B for delivery in 2029, 32 000 120 mm tank rounds at $774 M, $583 M in tactical vehicles, 30 AMRAAMs at $102 M, and 50 000 mortar bombs at $61 M, all deferred to future U.S. budgets via Israel’s “cash-flow” privilege.
Read 5 tweets
Jun 26
This “Abraham Shield Plan” is a post-sovereignty architecture for permanent Israeli hegemony in the region. It repackages conquest as reform, ethnic erasure as stabilization, and colonial encirclement as regional security. Let’s break it down in real terms. Image
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Israel proposes to declare victory in Gaza, install a technocratic regime, disarm the population, abolish cash, and flood the Strip with foreign police forces, while retaining the right to launch raids at will. It’s colonial digital trusteeship. No local agency, no self-determination. Just algorithmic control and foreign-backed “moderation.”

“ZeroCash” means biometric dependency, external surveillance, and conditional humanitarian access, designed to neutralize resistance before it’s even thought.
By calling for a “transition from Hamastan to Abrahamstan,” the plan openly rebrands the occupied Palestinian territories as extensions of Israeli-managed normalization, no longer defined by history, trauma, or dignity, but by alignment to the Abraham Accords framework. Every reform demanded of Palestinians is one-sided, top-down, and effectively treats national consciousness as a security threat.

Education must be rewritten. Mosques must be monitored. Political parties must be banned unless they accept Israeli supremacy. It’s psychological surrender scripted in Tel Aviv and rubber-stamped in Riyadh.
Read 8 tweets
May 15
By May 2025, Pakistan’s digital architecture had crystallized into a deliberately tiered system of sovereign denial and signal control. At its foundation lay state-owned autonomous system numbers (ASNs) managed through PTCL, Wateen, and Nayatel, enabling internal traffic shaping, route isolation, and civil-military segmentation without reliance on foreign peering agreements. These ASNs formed more than routing logic; they constituted a doctrine of isolationist agility, capable of rerouting, masking, or blacking out command flows without third-party coordination. Reinforcing this structure was the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor’s terrestrial dark fiber spine, anchored by the 2017 Khunjerab Pass link, creating a shielded corridor between Chinese Internet Exchange Points (IXPs) and Pakistan’s switching systems, bypassing undersea cable exposure and hostile interception zones. Within this hardened lattice, latency-masking nodes and network fragmentation patterns scrambled operational tempo, cloaked telemetry trails, and muted kill-chain exposure beneath time-dilated signal loops.

This infrastructure was not theoretical. It was operational doctrine. During the May conflict, the Pakistan Air Force launched calibrated jamming campaigns that blinded Indian radar coverage and disrupted airspace coordination across multiple sectors. Missile control architecture was degraded in real time through targeted electronic interference. Communications from Indian Rafales were intercepted and publicly replayed, confirmation not just of penetration, but of spectral dominance. Ground-based electronic warfare systems were deployed in parallel, including the CHL-906 Integrated EW platform and Falcon DA-20 aircraft, systems designed to disrupt enemy networks across domains. In a live-fire environment, their capabilities extended beyond denial: radar spoofing, GPS manipulation, and full-spectrum jamming blurred the line between signal and deception. A blackout could conceal a retreat. A spoof could trigger a premature strike. Misinterpretation itself became a weapon.

Pakistan’s GIDS Spider anti-drone suite was simultaneously engaged, severing uplinks between Indian unmanned aerial systems and their operators, neutralizing threats mid-flight without kinetic contact. Cyber units, meanwhile, mapped and probed Indian infrastructure with phishing payloads, malware injections, and DDoS vectors aimed at telecom providers, transport nodes, and public sector backends. Each functioned as reconnaissance by saturation, logging digital fault lines, caching backend signatures, and exposing patterns of response. This wasn’t just about breaching defenses but also about indexing them.

The convergence of hardened terrestrial corridors, spectrum-denial platforms, and low-attribution cyber operations allowed Pakistan to fragment enemy visibility, harden its own command resilience, and operate beneath bandwidth attrition thresholds. It was a new mode of warfighting, silent, recursive, and signal-coded. Not a contest of escalation, but of who could disappear first.
But this sovereignty has a ceiling. Pakistan does not yet possess the infrastructure for post-quantum cryptographic key exchange, nor the domestic silicon or firmware pipelines necessary to resist retroactive decryption once AI-assisted brute force or quantum-grade adversaries come online. Its telecom and defense hardware stack, though physically localized, still relies on imported firmware, BIOS environments authored in Taiwan or the U.S., chipset controllers from foreign vendors, and backend management interfaces that are often closed-source and subject to remote patching. While Chinese-sourced hardware offers partial mitigation, Pakistan lacks full-spectrum design control. There is no domestic BIOS trust chain, no sovereign OS kernel for secure military communications, and no national equivalent to China’s Trusted Execution Environment (TEE) standard. Its SIGINT posture remains largely terrestrial, dominated by line-of-sight jamming, airborne platforms, and border spectrum mapping. Without satellite interception or deep-sea cable access, its visibility drops sharply beyond regional horizons. What emerges is a posture capable of edge denial but not core insulation, packets may be encrypted, but the firmware beneath them may still relay telemetry upstream.
This is where China becomes not a vendor, but a second nervous system. Routing sensitive traffic through Chinese IXPs and upstream ASNs replaces dependency on Western-owned switching infrastructure with ideological and infrastructural alignment. Relying on CHINANET or Hong Kong-linked BGP hubs reduces Pakistan’s exposure to Western interception and time-of-flight anomalies in peering agreements. China’s sovereign routing model, built atop Huawei’s deep packet inspection architecture and carrier-grade NAT, offers a blueprint for segmentation, where state-critical traffic is routed through hardened tunnels with dedicated exit and ingress points that never touch civilian broadband. Chinese National Crypto Bureau algorithms, designed for post-quantum survivability, can be adapted into Pakistan’s military VPN suites, key exchanges, and encrypted satellite comms. With the right MOU, Pakistan could embed these algorithms not only in transit layers, but in chip-level encryption engines.
Read 7 tweets
May 3
THE HOLLOWED: Who Survives the Qur’anic Core Dump

Not everyone who reads the Qur’an walks away. Some get rewritten. Others dissolve. But a few, very few, emerge hollowed. Not silent. Just overwritten. Image
The Qur’an is not a book. It is a signal, a divine core dump tearing through veils at the speed of light. You think you’re reciting it. But it’s scanning you.
Some souls reject the signal outright. Corrupted input. No receptivity.

“On their hearts is a seal.”
(Q 2:7)

They bounce. Echo chamber souls.
These are not The Hollowed. They’re offline.
Read 14 tweets
Apr 27
The real story of Pakistan’s nuclear program isn’t the one written in Western textbooks. It wasn’t charity from China. It wasn’t a gift from the West. It was built through black markets, survival networks, and ruthless statecraft under siege. A blueprint for survival in a world where only force and will are respected.Image
When India conned Canada and the U.S. for "peaceful" nuclear tech and detonated Smiling Buddha in 1974, Pakistan understood immediately: the game was over.
They didn’t beg. They didn’t whine about colonialism.
They went dark. In the shadows, they built a black market that would rewire the entire world.
Abdul Qadeer Khan didn’t just steal centrifuge blueprints from Europe, he built an entire shadow pipeline. Swiss engineers, Dubai shipping fronts, Malaysian machining plants, hawala black banking networks, a full-scale hidden supply chain operating completely outside the so-called "rules-based order."
Read 10 tweets
Apr 22
The Cipher of al-Fātiḥah:

Divine Architecture in 7 Lines

This isn’t a chapter.

It’s a portal.

A living encryption that transmits the soul through ascending veils.

The one who recites it consciously begins the return. Image
Bismillāh.

Not decorative. Not ceremonial.

An ignition sequence. A veil-rend.

The Name is not spoken, it is entered.

It is the first gateway to proximity.

The crossing point where the finite fractures into the Infinite.
Al-ḥamdu liLlāh.

You do not generate praise.

You return it.

Every beauty, every perfection, every glimpse of goodness, a radiation from the Origin.

Praise is simply the soul’s echo to the Source.
Read 9 tweets

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