Mahmoud Issa, Al-Quds-born, architect of resistance, and the “dean” of Hamas prisoners, is among the most feared and steadfast leaders the occupation has ever tried to break. Born in Anata, northeast of Al-Quds, in 1968, Issa joined Hamas upon its founding and, with a cadre of Al-Quds youth, built the first Qassam cell in the city: Unit 101. Their mission, kidnap Zionist soldiers to exchange for Palestinian prisoners, became the new grammar of asymmetric warfare in occupied Al-Quds.
In December 1992, Issa led the legendary operation to capture Israeli soldier Nassim Tolidano, demanding the release of Hamas’s founder, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. The occupation refused, so Unit 101 executed the soldier and dumped his body in the street, a move that triggered a massive, vindictive crackdown: thousands arrested across the West Bank and Gaza, and hundreds of resistance leaders exiled to Marj al-Zuhur in south Lebanon.

“Israel prefers Hamas”, yet it has spent decades assassinating every generation of its leadership. From Sheikh Ahmad Yassin and Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi in 2004, through the commanders who built the movement’s endurance under siege, Salah Shehadeh, Ahmed al-Jaabari, Raed al-Attar, to the senior command martyred in Tufan al-Aqsa: Haniyeh, al-Sinwar, al-Arouri, and their comrades.
No colonial regime “prefers” the men and women who deny its permanence. It fears them. The Zionist state annihilated Gaza’s universities, bombed the camps, slaughtered entire families, and then celebrated the killing of every name on that wall of martyrs, proof that what it “prefers” is submission, not survival.

What’s unfolded is the kind of inflection point that rewrites the operating system of occupation and resistance.

We watched, in real time, as the occupation threw the full weight of its military, surveillance, and diplomatic machinery at Gaza, total blockade, relentless bombardment, psychological warfare, and the full force of Western narrative discipline.

And still, after two years of siege layered atop a genocidal war, the resistance not only withstood the storm but forced a ceasefire on its own terms, wresting prisoner releases and surviving intact as an organized force. The core lesson is the myth of Israeli omnipotence has been structurally shattered.

Not just by rockets or raids, but by the refusal to break, by the imposition of cost, and by the persistence of organized will.

The ceasefire is not a final peace or a full liberation, but a signal that the machinery of control can be stalled, that deterrence has fractured, and that the resistance remains an actor able to impose dilemmas and shape events.

Between October 2023 and September 2025, the United States delivered at least $21.7 billion in direct military aid to Israel, according to formal reporting streams. This aid includes $17.9 billion disbursed in the first year of war, with another $3.8 billion provided in the second year. These numbers reflect congressional appropriations, Foreign Military Financing (FMF), offshore procurement for Israel’s domestic weapons industry, direct replenishment of U.S. stockpiles shipped to Israel, special funding for ammunition procurement, and outlays to boost U.S. arms production lines specifically to meet Israeli demand.

On the eve of October 7, 2023, operational orders for Al-Aqsa Flood flowed down the chain of command with precision: assemble every squad, verify equipment, test communications, and synchronize watches, no improvisation, no margin for error. Each cell received its mission set, breach teams tasked to neutralize enemy surveillance, shock units cleared to storm fortifications, recovery squads ready to extract hostages, and technical cadres deployed to intercept and reroute communications inside occupied sites. The timeline was measured in minutes, with every maneuver clocked, and every phase locked to signal discipline. Fire support was on standby; command posts were established with redundancies across the sector.

Resistance security units in Gaza have uncovered and dismantled a network of hidden surveillance cameras and espionage devices planted by the occupation along a main artery connecting Gaza’s governorates.

According to resistance sources, these devices were camouflaged as ordinary objects, even fake birds on tree branches, and are suspected to be linked to the notorious Blue Wolf system, part of the wider Israeli mass-surveillance matrix known as Wolfpack. The Wolfpack system, comprised of Red Wolf, Blue Wolf, and White Wolf, is designed to index, monitor, and control Palestinian lives at scale. Blue Wolf operates via an app on soldiers’ devices, enabling them to photograph and scan the faces of Palestinians, without suspicion or cause, building a permanent database of every face, every movement, every interaction

Israel Hayom and Shabak outlets are scrambling to dress up what is, at its core, another humiliation for the Zionist security apparatus.
According to their own admissions, Iranian operatives posed as representatives for the Israeli singer Yuval Eliasi (“Saya”), sending messages in an attempt to meet with Hillel Ben Gvir, the 17-year-old daughter of occupation National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir. The supposed “concert booking” was nothing more than a pretext to demonstrate that the resistance’s intelligence reach can penetrate into the private lives of the regime’s most protected figures.

The collapse of Israel’s relationship with China is no longer a quiet undercurrent, it is an open fracture. Hebrew media now admit what Washington tried to obscure: Beijing has turned decisively against the Zionist project, not out of expediency, but because Palestine has become the moral and geopolitical litmus test of our era. Israeli exports to China have plummeted 28% in the first half of 2025. What Tel Aviv frames as “economic friction” is, in truth, Beijing’s refusal to normalize trade with a regime that wages genocide against Palestinians. Where the United States shields Israel with weapons and vetoes, China has aligned itself with the broader Global South, openly charging that the siege of Gaza violates the most basic norms of sovereignty and human dignity.

Recent interview with Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, revealing details of the Iranian perspective on the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation:

Ghalibaf framed the October 7 operation not as an aberration but as the natural continuation of a liberation struggle. He rejected outright the Zionist and Western claim that October 7th was some kind of “Israeli trap,” pointing out that if it were an Israeli game, the occupation would not still be floundering in humiliation nearly two years later.

The very fact that Hamas breached the myth of Israeli intelligence supremacy, executing a massive, coordinated operation under their nose, was in itself a strategic defeat for the occupier.

He was clear that Hamas is a liberation movement, not a proxy, not a terror group, but a community of youth born into dispossession and occupation. Their decision to strike on October 7 was made independently, without Iranian or Hezbollah involvement, and kept so secret that even Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah himself was not informed. The operation, he explained, proved that Palestinians could impose their will even when the occupier claims total control of the map.

The Iranian Handala Cyber Group announced they have penetrated the core systems of Israel’s Spacecom, operator of the AMOS satellite network.

These satellites connect forward units to command centers, feed encrypted relays into airbases, and serve as high-bandwidth channels for security and governmental communications extending across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa.

To claim control over 379GB of captured files and 19 ground stations in 6 countries is not a symbolic strike but an incision into the arteries of Israel’s warfighting logistics.

The timing and context amplify the weight of this breach. During the 12-Day War against Iran, the same AMOS satellites were weaponized to sustain Israel’s operational tempo, supporting targeting links, secure command chains, and real-time coordination across allied networks.

Handala’s seizure turns that history inside out: the very platforms once used to bomb Tehran’s periphery are now presented as compromised, their data siphoned, their secrecy punctured. The irony is sharp, systems built to surveil and suppress resistance are now themselves under hostile surveillance, their protective cocoon peeled back.

Remember that Mehdi Hasan had no issue slandering the resistance by repeating the line that Hamas was “created by Israel.” This isn’t analysis, it’s a colonial trope designed to erase Palestinian agency and to recast a deep, decades-long continuum of Islamic resistance as nothing more than an enemy’s project. The roots of Islamist resistance in Palestine run far deeper than 1987. In the 1930s, Sheikh Izz al-Din al-Qassam organized men from mosques into armed revolt against the British and early Zionist militias. His death in 1935 made him a symbol of defensive jihad and anti-colonial struggle. Hamas’s military wing bears his name precisely because he represents continuity: faith fused with arms against occupation.

A senior security leader confirmed that most of the recent strikes on displaced persons’ tents in the southern part of the Strip were the result of using smartphones. He explained that the smartphone acts as the first agent against its owner and is the primary suspect in the success of the occupation’s intelligence in reaching the targeted person or determining their location, through the voiceprint of the individual.

Ben Caspit’s column in Maariv drips with the stench of a regime that knows it is cornered. Netanyahu, the man who once strutted across capitals, now charts his flight path like a smuggler, ducking France, Spain, and Britain, wary that his entourage might be dragged into custody, his wife’s luggage itself a liability. The supposed “statesman” of Israel reduced to calculating fuel reserves like a fugitive in the sky. Caspit frames it with bitter irony: Mohammed Deif and Yahya Sinwar grinning, because what began October 7 has metastasized into a global reversal. Hamas not only bleeds Israel militarily, but now moves on the diplomatic chessboard, openly backing the UN vote for a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, something unthinkable in Zionist nightmares.

The cracks in the Zionist military system are widening, and now even its own researchers admit it. Dr. Ariel Hayman, a retired reserve brigadier and researcher at Tel Aviv’s Institute for National Security Studies, writes that the Israeli reserve army is collapsing under “frightening exhaustion and erosion.”

For months, reservists have been forced into endless rotations across Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and the West Bank. What was once touted as the backbone of Israeli “societal resilience” has become its point of fracture. The Israeli model relies on civilians swelling a relatively small standing army, the same mechanism that carried them in October 1973 and again on October 7, 2023. But Hayman warns this is no longer sustainable.

Financial grants and incentives cannot fix the rot; what is eroding is not just stamina, but the faith of reservists in their commanders and in the so-called justice of the system.

When that trust dies, no amount of money will bring them back. He openly concedes that treating the reserve as an “infinite energy resource” risks reaching a point of no return, the very collapse of what Israel calls its most vital strategic asset.

An Israeli writer prophesies: “Israel will collapse within two years.”

He describes what the entity faces today as a “existential earthquake”, a shock that has dismantled the very pillars of the Zionist project. Hamas has not only fought on the battlefield but shattered the myth of the “invincible state,” exposing Israel’s fragility before the world. He writes: “Who would have thought that the state founded on the ashes of global war, fed endlessly by Western support, would reach this dark moment? Yes, I say it clearly: Israel will collapse within two years.”

🟢Hamas Movement

In response to the false statements of U.S. President Donald Trump, who claimed that Hamas is the party rejecting ceasefire offers in Gaza, the Islamic Resistance Movement(Hamas) clarifies the following: Hamas has never obstructed ceasefire agreements in the Gaza Strip. The movement has consistently demonstrated flexibility and positivity. The U.S. administration, mediators, and the international community are fully aware that the sole disruptor of all agreements is the war criminal Netanyahu.

Mahmoud Abbas has bared his fangs at last, and they are turned not against the occupier, but against his own people.

In his first explicit condemnation, he dared to balance the scales between genocide and resistance, equating the occupation’s slaughter of thousands with the October 7 breach that shook the Zionist army to its core. He stood before the world and declared that Hamas and the factions, the only shield Gaza has, must hand over their weapons to his decaying Authority, the same hollow apparatus that props up the siege through coordination with Tel Aviv.

He did this while Gaza’s neighborhoods are shelled to dust, while its martyrs fall in alleys and towers, while its children are dug out from beneath rubble.

Netanyahu is spinning the Syria talks as if they’re about “protecting the Druze” and “demilitarizing southwest Syria,” but Channel 13 revealed what’s actually at stake: airspace sovereignty. Damascus is demanding non-interference in its skies, while Tel Aviv refuses because it treats southern Syria’s airspace as a free corridor for bombing runs on Iran and Hezbollah. What Netanyahu calls a “security agreement” is in reality a demand that Syria surrender both ground and sky in exchange for nothing but continued Israeli dominance. His brag about “shattering the Iranian axis” and “helping topple Assad” exposes the larger frame: Tel Aviv views Syria not as a negotiating partner, but as a buffer zone to carve up and exploit.

What the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics just confirmed is more devastating than any battlefield headline: the Zionist project is bleeding from the inside.

In 2024 alone, 82,000 Israelis packed up and left, while only 31,000 came in. Migration is the euphemism; evacuation is the reality, masked by documents and forms. The trend isn’t new, 55,000 departures against 27,000 arrivals in 2023 already signaled the crack. But the Gaza war, Tel Aviv under Yemeni ballistic fire, collapsing markets, and the total absence of political legitimacy have turned that trickle into a flood.

Zionist propaganda used to sell the dream of “aliyah”; now, the numbers show the reality of yerida, mass departure.

The Saudi-Pakistan compact was the patch that removed a single-point failure; a second wave of Arab signatures turns that fix into an operating system. The control plane moves off U.S.-Israel’s permission stack and onto a sovereign grid where Arab treasuries and airspaces are callable resources Pakistan can task, with Chinese arsenals and sensors supplying depth. When multiple Gulf courts underwrite Pakistan on term, deposits, swap lines, insured letters of credit, oil on structured swaps, the war budget stops breathing through Washington. Liquidity ceases to be a choke and becomes duration on tap: predictable import cover, stable rupee, funded surge orders, and fuel uplift that doesn’t spike with headlines. Remittances become signal, not noise, directed flows that reinforce reserves during pressure windows.

For Pakistan, the pact addresses its historical Achilles heel. While Islamabad has maintained a robust indigenous defense posture, backed by nuclear deterrence and a deepening weapons pipeline from China, it has always been vulnerable in two critical areas: energy supply and financial sustainability during prolonged conflict. Wars are not won by missiles alone, they require sustained logistics, fuel, and liquidity to keep the war economy running under pressure. In the past, external shocks, sanctions, oil price spikes, or financial cut-offs, created a ceiling on Pakistan’s war endurance. With Riyadh’s oil wealth and financial backing formally locked in, that ceiling has been removed.