CA deserves its moment in the sun, but journalists should be paying more attention to the amazing Abundance policies -- and better Democratic politics -- of our neighbors to the north.
Washington State is killing it. Oregon's doing pretty well too.
2⃣ In 2002, CA repealed parking minimums near "major transit stops." But the bill gives local govts wiggle room to re-impose parking mandates unless the project meets certain targets for deed-restricted-affordable housing.
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By contrast, WA just passed a sweeping, plain-bagel parking reform, eliminating parking mandates for units up to 1200 sqft *everywhere* -- not only near major transit stops -- and w/o regard to whether project has BMR units.
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3⃣ For nearly a decade, California YIMBYs have been trying to pass a bill that would upzone land near major transit stops for mid-rise apartment buildings. This year, it looks like they may finally do it!
AB 79 is the vehicle and it's a very good bill.
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But Washington's AB 1491--enacted earlier this year to little fanfare--is truly next level. Consider:
▶️ SB 79 proposes to upzone land near fixed transit stops; AB 1491 expands the geography to include bus-rapid-transit corridors.
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▶️ Both bills demand that cities allow floor-area ratios of 2.5-3.5 (depending on transit proximity), but HB 1491 **excludes 3+ bedroom units** from the FAR calculation.
If you're building apartments for families in Washington, the sky's the limit.
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▶️ Both bills require 10%-20% of units in the project to be deed-restricted affordable housing. But WA **compensates the developer** for losses on the affordable units, whereas in CA, this bagel topping will render projects less feasible.
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WA compensates the developer by exempting the entire building from property taxes for 20 years.
(Using an 8% discount rate and a 1% property-tax rate, that's tantamount to boosting the value of the new building by ~10%.)
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For more on Washington's amazing housing reforms, read this @danbertolet's blog post, and listen to @drvolts's recent pod w/ Rep. @juliagrantreed & Alex Brennan of @FuturewiseWA:
I've had some not-for-attribution chats recently with WA folks, trying to understand how / why the WA state politics of land use are different from those of the blue states that get more attention (CA and NY).
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Here's what I've learned:
- In WA, the major enviro groups are pushing hard for infill housing, whereas in CA, they're usually on the sidelines, or worse.
Why? Path dependence. WA, like OR, has long required local governments to adopt land-use plans that protect enviro resources. Those plans (like housing plans) are s/t state review.
The WA green groups' focus & human capital is devoted to substantive state-planning law.
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Whereas in CA, what the green groups "know" are the procedural complexities of CEQA. They need a better outlet.
- In WA, all the labor groups--Trades, Teachers, SEIU, AFSCME--are rowing in the same prohousing direction, hard. Whereas in CA, the labor movement...
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is split, with the most powerful group (State Building & Construction Trades) being oppositional, the Carpenters being helpful, and groups like SEIU or Teachers mostly sitting on the sidelines and occasionally doing damage.
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In WA, there's a settled consensus w/in Labor that imposing "prevailing wage" or "skilled & trained" mandates on privately funded projects would be counterproductive, whereas in CA, this has been a core demand of the engaged unions.
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I suspect this difference is mostly due to prices. Washington housing never got expensive enough for unions to extract PW or project-labor agreements from private builders.
Hankinson et al. provide strong evidence for such price effects at muni level.
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- Another key difference, apparently, is that Seattle's progressive weekly paper, @TheStranger, has long been very prohousing.
It publishes an influential voter guide and I was told it's almost impossible to run & win as a progressive in Seattle w/o its endorsement.
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By contrast, the analogous progressive weekly in San Francisco, the SF Bay Guardian, was arch-NIMBY.
Progressives in WA are committed to building more deed-restricted affordable housing, but the influence of The Stranger means they're not knee-jerk "anti-developer" types.
For more on the interesting, productive "PA Northwest" shade of blue-state housing politics, check out the video from @BESI_Berkeley's recent convening on blue-state governance and follow @andersem @danbertolet @FuturewiseWA @Sightline @drvolts
"Can you put a rough number on how much California's CEQA reforms will increase housing production?"
I've gotten this Q from lots of journalists over the last 48 hours (who sound frustrated w/ my answer), so here's a 🧵 laying out my thinking about it.
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tl, dr: @GavinNewsom was right to call AB 130/SB 131 "the most consequential housing reform in modern history in the state of California" -- but even so, there's no defensible way to give a quantitative "this much more housing" answer to the reporters' question.
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In part, the CEQA-reform package is consequential b/c of what it signifies: that California is overcoming the seemingly intractable politics of a high-cost, low-supply equilibrium.
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An update on California's CEQA / housing package as we hurtle toward the finish line.
tldr: @BuffyWicks's CEQA infill exemption is now *even better* than the 6/24 draft ⤵️; and it looks like @Scott_Wiener will land most of the fish in SB 607 but not the real lunker.
The million dollar (million unit?) question about Wicks's infill exemption has always been, "Will labor unions extract wage concessions that render the bill ineffective?"
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The 6/24 bill draft featured a novel, two-tier minimum wage for construction workers, plus "prevailing wage" requirements for tall projects (>85'), 100% affordable projects, and certain projects / crafts in San Francisco.
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- How CA enviros were duped or white-guilted into letting greenfield developers get their dream policy enacted, even as the same orgs continued to fight infill housing,
The big idea of the PSA is that if a city doesn't approve or deny a project w/in defined period of time, the project becomes "automatically approved" by operation of law.
However, opponents can attack it in court if project didn't comply w/ applicable rules.
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That is, a project which has been "deemed approved" by operation of PSA is not "deemed to comply" with applicable zoning & development standards. (Though certain provisions of the HAA may render project "deemed compliant" too.)
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Big news from CA: new budget "trailer bill" will effect biggest CEQA reforms ever (should it pass), and points toward plausibly workable detente between key labor unions & housing developers.
Kudos to @BuffyWicks, @GavinNewsom & @cayimby.
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The bill marries @BuffyWicks's AB 609, a clean CEQA exemption for infill housing, w/ new labor standards & tribal consultation rules.
The labor standards and tribal rules are different--and much better--than those of other recent CA housing laws.
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The "prevailing wage" rules imposed on public works projects (& housing projects per previous CEQA-exempt housing bills) establish detailed job classifications and a way-above-market wage for each classification.
By contrast, this bill is more like a minimum-wage law.
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