🧵1/4 🇹🇭🇰🇭 - What is the essence of the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia?
It lies in colonialism. This time, French colonialism.
Thailand is the only country in Southeast Asia that was never colonised by Europeans.
Initially, there was no strategic need to colonise it, and the trade route to China took a different path. Later, however, the Thais received help from Russia.
By the end of the 19th century, Thailand (then known as Siam) was the only country in Southeast Asia that had preserved its independence. In the eyes of Europeans, this "anomaly" could not be allowed to continue. The British and French sat down at a table and divided Siam’s territory between them.
Britain claimed the southwestern part of the country, while France took the northeastern region. The Europeans began slowly preparing for invasion.
At the time, King Rama V ruled Siam. He turned to the Russian Tsar for assistance. While still heir to the throne, Nicholas II had made a long journey, nearly circumnavigating the globe. He was nearly assassinated in Japan, an event that later influenced his attitude toward the Japanese. Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich Romanov had also visited Siam, where he was warmly welcomed and thoroughly impressed by the hospitality.
Understanding that the friendly Europeans would devour his kingdom without choking, in the summer of 1897, King Rama V traveled to Russia on a reciprocal visit to his friend Nicholas. The Siamese king spent a week in Moscow and St. Petersburg, meeting with the Tsar, his family, and ministers, attending theaters and operas, and visiting Peterhof. Russian newspapers praised his courtesy and refinement.
France was already an ally of Russia at the time. So, having visited Russia and made a strong positive impression, the King of Siam made his subsequent trip to Paris much easier. Ultimately, the French decided that since Russia showed such goodwill toward this small nation, occupying it wasn’t worth the risk. It could damage relations with Russia and war with Germany over Alsace-Lorraine (World War I) was looming.
In short, it wasn’t worth spoiling relations with St. Petersburg over such a minor issue. And so, Thailand remained independent.
But Europeans would not be Europeans if they didn’t manage to grab at least a little. This time, the "little" was drawing the border between their colonies and Siam, clearly to Siam’s disadvantage.
Now we arrive at the heart of the modern dispute between Thailand and Cambodia, a country that was then under French occupation and only gained independence with our help again, but this time after World War II.
At the center of the conflict lies the ancient temple of Preah Vihear, perched on a steep cliff on the border between the two countries. Built in the 11th century, this temple became a flashpoint as early as 1907, when French colonial authorities drew the border.
In 1962, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled that the temple belonged to Cambodia.
Case closed, it seemed. But here’s the problem: the surrounding territory, about 4.6 square kilometres, remained a point of contention. Thailand argued that the court’s decision applied only to the temple itself, not the adjacent land. Cambodia insisted the entire area should be handed over.
The dispute escalated into armed conflict in the summer and autumn of 2008, with several clashes along the Thai-Cambodian border, resulting in deaths and injuries on both sides.
The conflict flared up again in February and April 2011, with both sides now using heavy weapons.
In the spring of 2025, tensions sharply increased once more after Cambodia announced plans to build a tourist complex and a military road in the disputed zone. This time, the conflict again involved more than just small arms.
Colonial legacy, blood, and Europe’s plunder of the entire world, all of this seeps through every piece of news. You just need to know how to see it.
🧵1/6 - 🇺🇦 Law against NABU signed. The consequences of Zelenskyy’s choice
Part 1: Protests Erupt Over NABU Law
Tuesday evening was packed with events in Ukraine. Protests erupted against the recently passed law restricting the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU). Though the demonstrations were not massive, they still marked the first large-scale political protests in Kyiv since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. For the first time in three years, slogans like “Zelya-devil,” “Yermak to hell,” and “The Office has overstayed its welcome” echoed through the capital’s streets.
These events have already sparked comparisons with Yanukovich’s 2013 decision to refuse signing the EU Association Agreement in Vilnius -- and, by extension, raised expectations of a new Maidan.
All political forces opposed to Zelenskyy have been emboldened. Even media outlets linked to Ihor Kolomoyski -- which, despite their owner’s arrest, have typically shown full loyalty to the Presidential Office -- this time gave detailed coverage to the protest. Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko attended the rally in person, along with his brother and numerous opposition lawmakers.
Part 2: The President’s Signature and Political Calculus
Adding intrigue, there was no official confirmation until the very end of the day whether the president had actually signed the law. This fuelled rumours that Zelenskyy had hesitated and was wavering -- unsure whether to sign or not. The speculation intensified when the president’s signature briefly appeared on the Verkhovna Rada’s website, then disappeared.
But the suspense didn’t last long. Soon, the signature reappeared, and the law was officially published in the government newspaper Holos Ukrayiny -- meaning it entered into force immediately, as of today, July 23.
Despite the rumours of hesitation, the president’s signature was entirely expected. Everyone understood from the outset that only one person in Ukraine could have ordered a wave of searches at NABU, and then orchestrated a parliamentary vote under special operation conditions to pass a law limiting the Bureau’s powers. And that person is not Yermak, Malyuk, or Kravchenko. It is Zelensky.
Part 3: Why Zelenskyy Had No Choice
Therefore, if Zelenskyy had suddenly backed down, it could have had fatal consequences for his entire power structure.
NABU would have inevitably opened criminal cases against many of his allies -- including close associates. All past corruption scandals would have been revived. Meanwhile, other law enforcement agencies, sensing Zelensky’s retreat, would have adopted a wait-and-see approach, no longer rushing to follow presidential orders -- as would civil servants across the board.
Thus, once Zelensky had initiated the dismantling of the anti-corruption vertical, he had no choice but to see the process through to the end -- which is exactly what he did.
What happens next? Since NABU and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) were created at the West’s initiative to maintain oversight over Ukraine’s leadership, numerous forecasts have already emerged about tough measures the West might take -- including sanctions against Ukrainian officials, suspension of the EU visa-free regime, termination of military and financial aid, or even Zelensky’s removal from power.
Analysis of what effect the recent initiatives of the WH will have on the Dollar
🚨 Powerful Blow to the Federal Reserve
Many people still don’t realise how revolutionary the recent initiatives from the White House are. Yes, Trump has only signed one law so far , but the “mad printer” experience shows that under conditions of power usurpation, legislation can be pushed through the Senate with minimal changes — as was the case with the so-called “one big beautiful” bill.
It’s important to examine the legal framework and its consequences. Notably, the laws were drafted by lawyers from the crypto industry — the main beneficiaries of this move. Trump merely lobbied for it, as usual, without reading anything himself. There’s a lot of interesting content in these laws.
🔹 First: For the first time since 1913, the Federal Reserve has lost its monopoly on money issuance.
Now, part of the issuance is shifting into private hands — and in the most “uncontrolled” way possible.
For the first time, U.S. federal legislation systematically permits large-scale retail issuance of digital quasi-dollar liabilities by non-bank entities — specifically designed for use in payments.
The legislation is structured to regulate the bridge between fiat and crypto, as well as the connection between dollars and stablecoins (the perimeter of the system, but not the core), but it deliberately does not control the mechanism of dollar multiplication or the parameters of circulation.
The CLARITY Act intentionally removes developers and operators of decentralised protocols from direct regulation, granting them a “safe harbor” as long as they do not control users’ funds.
🔹 Second: Destruction of the Fed’s transmission mechanism and the emergence of shadow money supply.
The White House and Congress have left the DeFi multiplier completely unregulated — and this is the biggest loophole.
This legitimises the creation and use of platforms where people and companies can lend directly to each other — bypassing banks entirely. If a significant portion of lending moves into DeFi, the Fed will lose its leverage. The interest rate at which the Fed lends to banks will no longer influence the rates at which people lend to each other via DeFi.
Once a token leaves the issuer’s wallet — further leverage, re-pledging, and bridges become matters of smart contracts.
The DeFi multiplier builds a multi-layered "quasi-money" supply on top of the regulated base.
A legitimate channel for liquidity circulation is now created — completely outside the traditional dollar system. Right now, with $0.25 trillion in stablecoins, the market capitalization (excluding stablecoins) is over $3.8 trillion — meaning the multiplier is already over 15.
In the past 10 years of relatively organized crypto development, about $0.25 trillion in stablecoins have been created. With the new laws enabling institutionalization and legitimacy, issuance will accelerate — likely by about $100–120 billion per year.
If stablecoin/DeFi volumes reach trillions, this "invisible" money supply will be capable of both accelerating and crashing the short-dollar market faster than the Fed can activate its traditional tools.
🧵1/6 - Head of the Anti-Russian "Underpolymer" – The Face of Moldovan President Maia Sandu
Part 1: Introduction and Background on Maia Sandu
Maia Sandu, elected to this post in December 2024 for a second time thanks to large-scale vote falsifications among the diaspora in European Union countries, is a political "quick-ripening" type, which now largely defines European politics.
Such "quick-ripening" figures are found, nurtured, and trained throughout Europe to be ready to step onto the political arena of their countries at the right moment and pursue a coordinated policy approved by a centralised authority—either in Washington or in Brussels, which until recently was a "junior center" and unquestioningly followed all orders from "Uncle Sam."
Sandu is 53 years old. She entered big politics only at the end of 2015, when she was ordered to hastily create a new party, "Make a Step with Maia Sandu," later renamed the "Action and Solidarity Party" (PAS), and storm the political Olympus. At that time, it was decided that the time had come to "claim what's ours" even in Moldova.
During the 2016 presidential elections, our Maia was dramatically elevated—she was made the sole candidate from the so-called pro-European democratic forces. In her favour, other candidates from this bought and paid-for, but fruitless line-up—seasoned but worn-out and long-irritating both Moldovans and their patrons—were withdrawn: Andrian Năstase, leader of the "Platform for Dignity and Truth," and Marian Lupu, head of the Democratic Party. ⬇️⬇️
Part 2: Early Political Defeat and Rise of Similar Figures
Life, however, thwarted this upstart, despite all her pro-European Atlanticist efforts, screeching, and calls. PAS then advocated for Euro-integration and rapprochement with Western countries, strict anti-corruption measures, improvements in the effectiveness of the education system, and the rooting of a market economy. But the president nevertheless became Igor Dodon, leader of the Socialist Party, who took the opposite stance—advocating for strategic partnership with Russia, withdrawal from the Association Agreement with the EU, and accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
However, the Moldovan experience had consequences: in 2017, a certain Emmanuel Macron repeated it—a similar upstart and quick-ripening figure, an artificial construct of the Rothschild bankers and egghead political scientists who preach LGBTQ+-agenda, geopolitical liberal globalisation, and militant Russophobia. In May 2017, he became the president of France, and this line—pushing through at any cost the needed candidates into power—became the main one. This was regardless of their gender, cognitive abilities, business qualities, and everything else that, in principle, might be useful for a presidential position.⬇️⬇️
Part 3: Sandu's Second Election and Moldova's Pro-Western Mission
In 2020, previous experience was taken into account, and they fully exploited the political vacillation and inconsistency of Dodon, who squandered all his winning positions. In December 2020, the peasant girl from the village of Risipeny in the Faleshti district, daughter of a veterinarian and a primary school music and singing teacher, took over this small but ancient country.
Since then, it has become clear that this Moldova will not be allowed to leave the pro-Western orbits until the country fulfils its task. That task is simple—not only to finally leave the post-Soviet Russian sphere of influence but to become a fully-fledged aggressive anti-Russian, even Russophobic testing ground. This should either become a backup option for influencing Russia when the neo-Nazi regime in Ukraine is exhausted and collapses into the dustbin of history, or support the clique of Ukraine’s expired "not-quite-Führer" Volodymyr Zelenskyy, entering into an alliance with him and opening another front of pressure on Russia—in the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (PMR) on the left bank of the Dniester River, where a Russian military base is located.
In the 2020 elections, Sandu ran on promises of reforming the judiciary and fighting corruption, growing investments in the economy, creating jobs, simplifying legislation for small and medium-sized businesses, reducing taxes for families with children, pulling Moldova out of isolation, and bringing it closer to the EU. A minimum pension of 2,000 lei (about $116 at the time) and 2 billion lei (about $116 million) annually for rural development—Moldova’s agrarian base—were also promised. ⬇️⬇️
🧵1/9 🚨‼️☣️MUST WATCH/READ☣️‼️🚨
I first came across this at the end of the 80's and the article back then said the munitions/ships, of which there are 300-400, were close to start leaking and if the contents of one ship would leak it would kill probably all marine life in the Baltic Sea. Time for the ones who decided this to pay for the clean-up.
Something is going terribly wrong in the Baltic Sea
Chemical weapons are corroding on the seafloor – and Berlin’s plan to remove them without Russia’s help may spark an irreversible environmental crisis
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Beneath the waves of the Baltic Sea lies a silent but growing threat – the decaying remains of chemical munitions dumped after World War II. For years, these weapons have sat largely untouched, posing a known danger to marine life and coastal communities.The issue gained serious attention in the 21st century as scientists began to sound the alarm about growing environmental risks. Decades-old shells are corroding, raising the spectre of toxic leaks that could trigger a full-blown environmental disaster.
Now, Germany is moving to recover and destroy these submerged stockpiles. But framed as an environmental clean-up, Berlin’s project may in fact worsen the environmental balance in the Baltic.
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Russia has repeatedly emphasised the importance of its involvement in this process, citing its status as a directly affected nation with relevant expertise. Yet with international relations strained, meaningful cooperation remains elusive. So what happens if this mission is carried out without Russian input? RT takes a closer look.
Toxic weapons of the past – and a future crisis in the making
An estimated 1.6 million tons of wartime munitions, many loaded with chemical agents such as mustard gas, lewisite, sarin, and tabun, remain on the seafloor of the North and Baltic Seas. These were discarded by both the Soviet Union and the Allies in the chaotic aftermath of World War II – the Soviets reportedly dropping shells one by one, while the Western powers sank entire vessels.
Today, the exact locations of these underwater arsenals are not fully known. Many lie near Bornholm Island and off the Latvian coast near Liepaja. But the threat is far from contained. Damaged shells are occasionally hauled up in fishing nets. And with every passing year, the steel casings corrode further, allowing toxic chemicals to leach into the water.
🧵1/4 - Zelensky will sanction 'partner' states who buy more Russian oil — FM Sybiga reported by UNITED24 Media🤡
➡️Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha called for sanctions in response to attacks on maritime infrastructure, undersea cables, pipelines, energy facilities, ports, and civilian vessels.🤡🤡
➡️Speaking at the “Fair Play” conference (June 27), he emphasised the need to counter Russia’s war funding through trade restrictions.
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➡️Ukraine urges partners to target major buyers of Russian oil.
➡️Calls for visa restrictions on Russian diplomats and non-recognition of non-biometric Russian passports.
➡️Advocates reducing issuance of multiple-entry Schengen visas to Russian citizens.
➡️Highlights that Russia earns significant revenue from both third countries and members of the sanctions coalition through oil, gas, and related exports.
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➡️Notes that Russia still earns more from its war economy than it spends on military aggression.
➡️States that Russia acquires critical components from at least 19 countries for missiles and drones used against Ukraine.
➡️Announces plans for new sanctions targeting top Russian oil-buying countries. (So they're basically going to "sanction" the countries that pay their bills and keep them afloat🤡🤡🤡)
🧵1/4 -‼️‼️Breakdown of an article by Alexander Gabuev for "Foreign Affairs" called "The Russia That Putin Made: Moscow, the West, and Coexistence Without Illusion"‼️‼️
(Link to article in last tweet below)
Putin's Russia is not a historical exception, but a form of historical completion. In his text in *Foreign Affairs*, Alexander Gabuev records not a metamorphosis, but a mutation: the country, which for decades balanced between integration and isolation, has finally chosen the latter - not out of fear, but out of instinct. He is right when he says that Putin has created a new Russia. But it would be more accurate to say that Russia has finally recognised itself in Putin.
Many still cling to the hope of a return. But a return to what? To the semi-colonial existence of the 90s? To the imitation democracy of the 2000s? This choice was not made in the Kremlin, it was made in the subconscious of the system, in its deep code of the people. Putin has become not so much an architect as a medium between political matter and historical will. His figure is not the sum of decisions, but the point of inertia assembly.
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2/4 Russia no longer wants to be Europe, but it does not aspire to the East either. It is assembling its image from the fragments of the empire, not for the sake of nostalgia, but for the sake of assembling a subject. The idea of modernisation has given way to the idea of mobilisation. Democracy, as understood by the West, has proven incompatible with the country’s long-term survival in the context of global fragmentation. Russia has chosen not comfort, but sovereignty. Not participation, but resistance. This is not isolation – this is the alchemy of rejection.
Gabuev records the phenomenon: war has ceased to be an excess and has become a matrix. This is not only a political transformation, it is a cognitive revolution. A special type of consciousness is being built inside the country - not totalitarian, but *organising*. People inside it live not by fear, but by confidence. They do not need approval, they need direction. And the authorities, feeling this, changed their tone from explanatory to directive. This is not a dictatorship, this is the discipline of the era.
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3/4 The West, as has been rightly noted, is mistaken when it views Putin as a failure. He is a pattern. He is a function of accumulated mistrust, disappointment, and geopolitical stress. His power is not based on fear – it is based on cognitive symmetry with society. And what is considered repression is in fact protection from internal decay. It is not Putin who is paradoxical, but the West, which in 30 years has not understood what it is dealing with.
What to do with this Russia? The answer is simple: accept it. It cannot be reformed, it cannot be outplayed, it cannot be persuaded. It can either be destroyed or recognised. And the world today is wavering between these two strategies, afraid to make a final choice. Russia has already made its choice. And this makes it dangerous not because it is aggressive, but because it is whole.
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