Applebaum: Trump admires unchecked power — no courts, no journalists. He’s positively disposed to Russia and personally impressed by Putin.
As a trained KGB officer, Putin would know how to exploit weaknesses. Trump believes Putin is his friend. 1/
Applebaum: Trump shows no empathy. He calls opponents vermin and says immigrants poison the nation's blood — language used by Hitler.
He’s immune to cruelty, unmoved by civilian deaths. 2/
Applebaum: Putin's goals
— rebuild the Russian Empire with himself as its leader, erasing Ukraine’s identity and incorporating it by force or control
— destroy the pro-European, anti-corruption ideals of Ukraine’s 2014 revolution, which he deeply fears. 3/
Applebaum: “Polar” means nothing. In Putin’s usage, it implies a world where might makes right. Where strong countries dominate weaker ones, free from rules, the UN, or U.S. influence.
This is the global order he seeks — personal and political. 4/
Applebaum: Russia helped build up Germany’s AfD and tried to influence elections in Britain and France. The Brexit campaign was mostly British, but Russia supported it.
They invested money, effort, and strategy — actively campaigned for Trump in 2016. 5/
Applebaum: In 1994, Estonia’s president warned of rising Russian imperialism. Putin, then deputy mayor of St. Petersburg, walked out.
His imperial ambitions date back decades, as do his criminal ties. Cynicism and greed have defined his actions from the start. 6/
Applebaum: If you truly want peace, you must arm Ukraine until Putin accepts the war is over. West often miss this.
Putin, from the start, underestimated Ukraine — its elected government, real national identity, and will to fight, even through guerrilla war if needed. 7/
Applebaum: If I led NATO or the EU, I’d have suspended Hungary’s voting rights. Hungary no longer acts as an ally or in good faith. But you don’t expel them — many Hungarians, perhaps a majority, want Orban gone. 8/
Applebaum: Many now understand the threat Russia poses — not just to Ukraine, but to Europe itself.
France, Germany, the UK, Poland, Scandinavia, the Baltics, and others are rethinking defense: not just spending more, but spending smarter in this new high-tech drone war. 9/
Applebaum: China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela lack a shared ideology, but they see Western democratic values as threats: rule of law, free media, independent courts.
That’s what unites them. They aim to undermine these principles at home and abroad to preserve their power. 10X
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Gen. Dan Caine: Ukraine’s industrial base building tens of thousands and even hundreds of thousands of drones is extraordinary.
Those are the entrepreneurial lessons we need from that fight. It’s another case study in the importance of putting air power over a battlefield. 1/
Caine: The fixed and frozen lines in Ukraine show an opportunity to learn about protecting the force on the ground.
Having been one of those guys on the ground, I value air power that can put an adversary in a particular place of pain. We must scale our own FPV capabilities. 2/
Caine: A major lesson from Ukraine is the need for mass.
Future wars will involve unprecedented kinetic and non-kinetic exchanges.
So we’ll need a new high-low mix: a few bespoke systems, but far more low-cost, expendable ones that create many dilemmas for an adversary. 3X
Macron: Russia’s position about peace in Ukraine hasn’t changed since Istanbul 2022.
It demands control of all claimed territories, no security guarantees for Ukraine, and political changes in Kyiv.
These are surrender terms. Peace proposals exist, but Russia rejects them. 1/
Macron: If Russia keeps these terms, talks cannot move. The only strategy is to continue military support for Ukraine and provide economic pressure on Russia.
The US and Europe must stay aligned: the US leads diplomacy, Europe provides security guarantees and frozen assets. 2/
Macron: China and Brazil work in the “group of friends of peace.” China accepts that any peace must prevent renewed aggression.
Defense chiefs from the US, France, and the UK coordinate on security planning, but Russia shows no readiness to negotiate. 3X
Democratic Senator Peter Welch: Congress rejected Trump’s 28-point “peace plan” because it looked like a surrender to Russia.
The plan required Ukraine to give up territory it still controls — that’s unacceptable. 1/
Peter Welch: Some in Trump’s team lean toward Russia, but he wants a deal. A sanctions bill now has 85 co-sponsors — almost never happens in the Senate.
Any peace agreement must ensure Russia cannot resume aggression. Ukraine needs real security guarantees. 2/
Peter Welch: If peace talks fail, the U.S. should increase pressure: allow Ukraine to hit military sites inside Russia and cut Moscow’s oil revenues from India and China.
The terms must be set by Ukraine — not Washington and not Moscow. 3X
Germany’s Merz says frozen Russian assets for Ukraine must be a shared EU risk — and Belgium cannot be left carrying the burden alone — Reuters.
Merz writes in FAZ that EU states must incur an equal share of the risk, as a function of their respective economic performance. 1/
After the European Commission proposed using or borrowing against frozen Russian state assets to raise €90B for Ukraine.
Belgium, which holds the largest share of these assets, has resisted without legal guarantees. 2/
Merz says political assurances are insufficient and Brussels is right to demand binding protection.
Merz: It would be unacceptable for a single country to bear an excessive burden, — signalling Berlin’s support for a collective EU liability structure. 3/
Trump’s new National Security Strategy drops shared values and replaces them with raw power.
It calls this flexible realism. In practice it rewrites alliances, revives 19th-century spheres of influence and alarms every major US partner — The Economist. 1/
Released quietly on Dec 4-5, the NSS declares America’s alliances are not built on common values but on what works for America.
It rejects the idea that democracies bind together around principles. It presents power, not ideals, as the core of US policy. 2/
On Ukraine, the strategy assumes Europeans want peace even if it means concessions to Putin. It urges a fast end to the war to prevent escalation, questions NATO enlargement, and avoids any mention of Russia’s decade of aggression — a posture that looks like appeasement. 3/
Trump's National Security Strategy confirms what Europe refuses to see. The US now prioritizes Russia ties and seeks to divide the continent, FP.
Europe faces two adversaries — Russia in the east, Trump's America in the west. 1/
Europeans bet Trump was unpredictable but manageable. They were wrong.
From Vance’s Munich speech to the Dec 4 security strategy, the vision is clear: strengthen US-Russia ties while far-right forces — backed by Moscow and Washington — work to divide Europe. 2/
Every time Trump acts on Ukraine, he sides with Russia — the Oval Office trap for Zelenskyy, the red carpet for Putin in Alaska, the 28-point plan likely written in Moscow.
Europeans keep flattering Washington, hoping to salvage the transatlantic bond. They're losing this bet. 3/