No, Russia didn’t hack voting machines in 2016.

It hacked something bigger—your perception.

This thread answers real questions, using only the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee’s 2019 report.

Recognize this building? No?

You should. It got us Trump.

Let’s clear this up: Image
Here’s what people still ask:

• How early did Russia start?
• What exactly did they do?
• Who were they pretending to be?
• Was it about electing Trump—or something else?
• How did they get so much reach?
Can we answer all of that? Sure we can...

But first, the source:

In 2019, the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee released a bipartisan report titled:

“Russia’s Use of Social Media” (Vol. 2)

Full PDF:
intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/…Image
Q: How early did Russian operations begin?

A: 2014 — two years before the election.

They didn’t wait for candidates.

They targeted America itself: its divisions, identity, and institutions.

(Page 7, Senate Report)
Q: Who was running the operation?

A: The Internet Research Agency (IRA) — a Kremlin-linked outfit based in St. Petersburg.

Funded using Yevgeny Prigozhin (yes, that one), the IRA built fake U.S. identities at scale.

(Page 9)
Q: What platforms were targeted?

A: All of them:

🔹 Facebook
🔹 Instagram
🔹 Twitter
🔹 YouTube
🔹 Google+
🔹 Tumblr
🔹 Reddit
🔹 Pinterest

Facebook and Instagram were hit hardest.

(Page 17)
Q: What kind of content did they post?

Everything divisive:

• Race
• Police brutality
• Immigration
• Gun rights
• Religion
• LGBTQ+ issues
• Confederate monuments

This wasn’t subtle. It was volume and friction.

(Pages 18–22)
Q: Who were they pretending to be?

Real Americans.

Fake accounts posed as:

• Black civil rights activists
• Christian conservatives
• Gun owners
• Texas secessionists
• LGBTQ+ activists
• Police supporters

(Page 25) Image
Examples?

• “Blacktivist” — a fake BLM-style page
• “Heart of Texas” — a fake secessionist group
• “United Muslims of America”
• “Being Patriotic”

All run out of Russia. All designed to build trust and stir outrage.

(Page 25–27) Image
Q: Were they pro-Trump?

Not exactly.

They posted some pro-Trump content.

But the primary goal was division—not persuasion.

They also ran anti-Clinton, anti-Biden, and even left-leaning posts.

Whatever deepened the rift.

(Page 32–34) Image
Q: What was the real goal?

To weaken U.S. democracy by:

• Fueling distrust
• Lowering turnout
• Provoking infighting
• Making Americans doubt one another

It was about corrosion, not conversion.

(Page 5)
Q: Did it work?

Massively.

IRA content reached millions.

Engagement often surpassed real U.S. activist pages.

Some accounts had hundreds of thousands of followers.

They weren’t fringe. They were viral.

(Page 40)
They didn’t just post.

They bought ads, promoted hashtags, and even organized rallies in U.S. cities.

Sometimes they organized opposing rallies on the same street.

(Page 44)
And they used identity mimicry.

They mirrored trusted language, slogans, and visuals.

The goal wasn’t to change minds.

It was to embed themselves into your worldview and distort it from inside.

(Page 28)
This wasn’t about Trump. Or Clinton.

The real objective was to damage civic trust and inflame every unresolved wound in American life.

Once people stop trusting institutions, democracy weakens by default.

(Page 5, 47)
Q: Why is this hard to see?

Because the tactics used real issues.

Racism, inequality, corruption, alienation—they’re real.

The IRA didn’t invent them. They weaponized them.

(Page 48)
This wasn’t about pushing lies.

It was about flooding the truth with doubt, emotion, and chaos until the truth became irrelevant.

That’s how narrative warfare works.

(Page 47)
The campaign didn’t end in 2016.

It continued into 2018.

It’s still active in different forms now.

Same doctrine. New platforms. Updated targets.

(Page 6)
If you feel like nothing is trustworthy anymore—
If every headline feels manipulative—
If everyone seems mad at everyone—

That’s not an accident. That’s the point. Image
Russia didn’t hack the machines.

It hacked the people using them.

And if we don’t name the method, we’ll keep falling for the outcome.

Can we do better? It's up to you.

Source:
“Russia’s Use of Social Media” — U.S. Senate Intel Committee (2019)
intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/…Image
And here's the link to the source for the image in the first tweet:

spyscape.com/article/inside…Image

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More from @DucuGavril

Aug 3
What you’re seeing today—disinformation, institutional decay, narrative collapse—isn’t new.

It’s the continuation of a strategy launched over a century ago.

Russia’s war on democracy didn’t start with Putin.

It started with the Tsars. Image
Since the early 1900s, Russian regimes have used the same method:

Undermine trust in liberal democracy
Exploit internal divisions
Flood the public square with lies, half-truths, and confusion

Different leaders. Same doctrine.
This isn’t collapse. It’s design.

And the sooner we understand the structure, the sooner we can resist it.

This is the history of that structure.
Read 23 tweets
Aug 1
Democracy doesn’t defend itself.

You have to do it.

Because the biggest threat today isn’t tanks or coups.

It’s percepticide and perspecticide—destroying what people see and what they believe is possible.

If you lose that, you’ve already lost the system. Image
Percepticide is the collapse of shared perception.

When reality fractures—thanks to disinformation, propaganda, and polarization—democracy can’t function.

People no longer agree on facts, on trust, or even on whether voting matters.
Perspecticide is the loss of moral and political imagination.

People stop believing things can be better.

They internalize domination, feel powerless, and surrender to strongmen who promise order.
Read 25 tweets
Aug 1
What if democratic decline isn’t just internal collapse—but a front in a hybrid war?

Autocracies like Russia and China have spent decades weakening democracies from within—without firing a shot.

To defend democracy, we first have to understand how it fails. Image
Today, democracies aren’t falling through coups. They’re eroding quietly.

Through legal changes, captured courts, corrupted discourse, and social fragmentation.

This isn’t dysfunction. It’s a tactic—weaponized by foreign and domestic actors alike.
To understand this process, look at the work of political scientist Johannes Gerschewski.

His research explains how autocracies endure, how democracies unravel, and what can be done to resist decline.

His models clarify what we're living through now.
Read 32 tweets
Jul 30
Everyone talks about Palestine like it’s just Israel vs. the Palestinians, with the West holding all the cards.

But here’s what few in the West understand:

Arab regimes—and former Soviet allies—have often blocked or undermined a Palestinian state.

But why and how? Image
In 1947, the UN proposed a two-state solution: one Jewish, one Arab.

Arab states rejected it.

Not just the Jewish state—they didn’t want an independent Palestinian state either.

They wanted the land divided among themselves.

📎 UN Res. 181 | Rubin (MERIA 1998)
After Israel’s creation in 1948:

Jordan annexed the West Bank (1950)

Egypt controlled Gaza

But no Arab state created a Palestinian state.

The “All-Palestine Government” in Gaza was blocked by Jordan and dissolved by 1959.

📎 Rubin, Palestine Studies
Read 20 tweets
Jul 29
Incentives shape behavior.

But sometimes, policies punish the very outcomes they claim to promote.

That’s an inverted incentive structure—and authoritarian regimes are full of them.

Does power distort logic? You better believe it. Image
What is it?

An inverted incentive structure occurs when the rules reward failure, deception, or loyalty—and punish competence or success.

You still have a “system,” but it runs in reverse.

And history shows the damage.
In "Crisis in Autocratic Regimes" (Rienner, 2018), scholars show how dictators survive by building incentive structures that prioritize loyalty over results.

When regime survival is the goal, performance becomes a threat.

rienner.com/uploads/59de4c…
Read 13 tweets
Jul 29
Tariffs are usually framed as boring economics

But history shows that in the hands of authoritarians, tariffs become tools—not of trade—but of power

They reward loyalty, punish dissent, and bypass institutions

So, can the past teach anything about this? And do we ever learn? Image
Trump’s tariffs aren’t just about trade.

Throughout history, authoritarians have used tariffs not for strategy, but for control.

To reward friends, punish enemies, and consolidate power.

What does history tell us about it then—and can we use it to understand the now?
In 2018–2020, Trump imposed tariffs on steel, aluminum, and Chinese goods.

He said it was to protect American workers. But economists noted: there was no coherent strategy.

What there was—was selectivity and political favoritism.
Read 34 tweets

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