The adage that an attacking force requires a 3:1 superiority over the defense has become so ubiquitous and frequently repeated that it has become an implicit “rule” of analysis. The problem is that it’s not true, and nobody seems to know where it comes from.
The actual source of the ratio is a 1991 manual from the US Army CGSC, which simply said: “Historical experience has shown that a defender has approximately a 50-50 probability of successfully defeating an attacking force approximately three times his equivalent strength.”
The idea there was to establish rules of thumb for desirable force ratios in different situations. For example, 1:6 for delaying defense, 1:1 for local counterattack, 18:1 for penetration to depth, etc.
These ratios are useful in the context of exercises and planning, as they sketch out general rules of thumb for arranging forces. Think of it as being vaguely similar to the ratios that come from rolling dice in a risk game.
What they are not, however, are iron rules of real combat that apply uniformly. Furthermore, the manual’s claim that the 3:1 ratio is historically derived is not supported.
The German general staff conducted analyses of fire volumes and concluded that a simple advantage on the order of 1.2:1 is enough to achieve local success. Clausewitz argued that a 50% advantage was sufficient in almost all circumstances.
Today, such ratio rules are even less applicable because of the wide range of fires (tube artillery, drones, aircraft, and rocketry) and the need for enablers (combat engineering, mine clearing, etc) at scale. These are more decisive than simple infantry headcounts.
Bottom line, there is no “rule” about the force requirements for successfully attacking or defending on a modern battlefield, and there’s definitely no universal pattern of casualties that you can extrapolate.
The 3:1 ratio is probably a useful rule of thumb in war gaming and exercises because it creates a framework for thinking about force concentration, but it doesn’t tell you much about what’s happening in places like Pokrovsk.
Even in WW1 when it was most continent to count forces with a simple division inventory, the 3:1 ratio doesn’t hold up. Ypres, Brusilov Offensive, Bug–Narew Offensive, lots of other examples where attackers had success at near parity.
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I was thinking recently about the similarities between contemporary NATO and the cloaked imperialism of Athens. It’s not a perfect parallel, obviously, but the similarities are quite strong.
Like NATO, the Delian League was formed as a defensive alliance against a hostile foreign power, with the Persian Empire as a stand in for the USSR.
Polities in Northern Greece, fearing that Sparta’s strategic standoff in the Peloponnese would render them an unreliable protector, formed the Delian League to wage a continuation war against Persia.
Agincourt is among the most famous medieval battles, immortalized in Shakespeare's Henry V. It's also badly understood and usually gets the cursory treatment that you see in threads like this, where it becomes mainly a story about mud. (1)
The popular story is essentially that the French made a foolish charge across a muddy field, which bogged them down and allowed them to be picked apart by the English. This was played up to comedic proportions in Netflix's "The King". (2)
Agincourt is in fact a very interesting engagement for reasons that having nothing to do with mud, and its doubtful whether the wet ground actually made a decisive impact on the battle. Rather, Agincourt is a highly instructive lesson in battlefield geometry. (3)
This is a slop post, but there's a broader problem with the way people try to score cheap points by pointing out things like the life expectancy issue, the HIV rate, alcoholism, etc. These issues are very telling as to why Russians feel the way they do about Putin and the USSR.
Westerners broadly misunderstand how the collapse of the USSR was experienced in places like Russia and Ukraine. The implosion of the Soviet economy was not a pleasant experience in any way, and the country did not make a clean transition, either politically or economically.
All the generally understood problems with the Soviet planned economy were true. Soviet central planning was more wasteful, less dynamic, less innovative, and created less wealth than western market economies. All that being said, the system largely "worked."
Very blackpilling when you learn that Viking Berserkers didn’t really exist in the sense that people generally think. I wish they did, but they didn’t.
"Berserk" as a word comes from "Serk", which meant shirt, with either "bear" or "bare" attached to it, giving the image of either a warrior with ursine regalia or else unarmored, possibly even naked.
Carl von Clausewitz is among the most widely known and cited (if not widely read) theorists of war. His signature work, "On War" (published in 1832) is the source of many commonplace expressions and terms that permiate the modern lexicon. (1)
Clausewitz was the originator of concepts like "friction", "culmination", "the fog of war", and more. His comment that "war is the continuation of policy with other means" has been endlessly quoted. Like a Shakespeare, he undergirds much of our modern vocabulary of war. (2)
Clausewitz is widely known, but perhaps not so widely read. Despite its influence, "On War" is an opaque and disorderly text. This is largely because Clausewitz died while his writing was still in an unorganized draft. The published volume was edited by his wife, Marie. (3)
This December 18th marks the 108th anniversary of the end of the Battle of Verdun - an infamously bloody episode of the First World War which killed over 700,000 French and German troops over nearly ten months of fighting. (1)
Verdun in many ways was the seminal First World War battle, in that it churned up dozens of divisions fighting for apparently meager gains of just a few kilometers. It appears at first brush to be entirely senseless, but the strategic conception deserves close scrutiny. (2)
By the end of 1915, German hopes for a quick resolution to the war had been firmly dashed. The initial command cadre had been replaced, and General Erich von Falkenhayn had taken command of the German general staff with an unenviable strategic position. (3)